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CAPTAir^ JAMES COOK

R.N., F.R.S.
"THE CIRCUMNAVIGATOR"

BY ARTHUR KITSON

WITH MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS

NEW YORK
E. p. DUTTON & COMPANY

'9°7 r- s£bTby

1 pRF----'''TiON

Printed in Great Britain.

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TO

MY WIFE
LINDA DOUGLAS KITSON

Digitized by tine Internet Archive

in 2007 witii funding from

IVIicrosoft Corporation

http://www.arcliive.org/details/captainjamescookOOkitsuoft

PREFACE

We used to be taught at school that Captain Cook was
born in Yorkshire, rose from cabin-boy in a Whitby
collier to the rank of Post Captain in His Majesty's
Navy, discovered Australia, sailed three times round
the world, and was killed at Owhyhee. Nothing was
ever said about the enormous benefit he had conferred
on those who go down to the sea in ships, by his
successful fight with that dread enemy of the sailor —
the scurvy ; and not a word of his voyages in the
Arctic and Antarctic regions.

With some slight feeling of shame that I was so
ignorant about my fellow-county man, I one day took
up Dr Kippis's ^* Life of Cook" (first published in
1788), and was prompted by curiosity to verify
one of his references, which I found to be absolutely
incorrect. This excited my interest, and a desire
for further information. I consulted every authority
I could meet with, and was greatly struck by the
fact that the majority of the writers on the subject
seem to have been content to rely on Kippis for the
foundation of their work.

It appears to me that Kippis had not been sufficiently

viii PREFACE

careful with his notes, or else had misunderstood much
that had been told him, and thus been led into many
errors, — more particularly with regard to Cook's earlier
life. For instance, it is inconceivable that Sir Hugh
Palliser, with his position in the Service, his close
professional connection with Cook, lasting for some
years, and their personal friendship, could have made
the statements attributed to him by the learned Doctor,
about Cook's early naval career.

For the voyages, I have found it desirable to avoid
the ** History" of the First, written by Dr Hawkesworth
as it is often unreliable and sometimes ridiculous. For
the Second and Third, I have made but little use of
Dr Douglas's version, for, though he does not approach
the absurdities of Hawkesworth, he has ^* improved"
Cook's manuscript to such an extent in many places
that passages are quite irreconcilable with the original.
In one case, he quotes the last words written by Cook
at some length, but most unfortunately the quotation
sprang entirely from his own imagination, and nothing
of the kind was written by Cook.

For the facts about Cook's early life, that is, up
to the time when he joined the Navy, I have relied
on the works of Dr George Young, a former Vicar of
Whitby, who knew many people intimately acquainted
with Cook in his youth, and who was thoroughly
conversant with his early surroundings. Where
possible, I have endeavoured to verify his statements,
and have not found him at fault till he at length seems
to fall under the influence of Kippis.

PREFACE ix

For the portion of Cook's life extending from his
entry into the Royal Navy to his appointment to the
command of the Endeavour^ I have taken as my guide-
in-chief the Admiralty Papers in the Public Records
Office, which are so complete, that it is not only possible
to find the position of his ships day after day, but also
the name of every officer and man with whom he served
from the hour on which his foot first touched the deck
of H.M.S. Eagle to the time of his unfortunate death
in the Sandwich Islands. These papers seem to have
been most curiously overlooked by Cook's biographers,
or have only been referred to for the purpose of clearing
up some special point.

For the First Voyage, I have consulted the '^Log"
of the Endeavour in the version so admirably edited by
the late Admiral Sir J. W. L. Wharton; the ''Journal
of Sir Joseph Banks," edited by Sir Joseph Hooker;
the ''Journal of Sydney Parkinson" ; Papers belonging
to the Royal Society ; and other memoranda made by
men who took an actual share in the expedition.

For the Second and Third Voyages, I have taken
Cook's own manuscripts prepared by him for publica-
tion and the continuation by Captain King, comparing
them carefully with logs and diaries kept by others who
took part in the voyages, some of which have not
hitherto been published.

In the course of my enquiries I have naturally
had to write many letters to Government officials and
private gentlemen, and I desire to acknowledge most
gratefully the kindness and courtesy with which I have

X PREFACE

been met. I feel it is somewhat invidious to single
out any names from those who have displayed interest
in the work of a stranger, but it would not be right to
omit mention of the sympathy and encouragement I
received from the late Admiral Wharton and the late
Sir W. Besant, whose own contribution on the subject
however cannot be regarded as accurate, and the
disinterested assistance of the late Mr G. W.
Waddington of Whitby, who lent me books, not
procurable at the British Museum, and even when
suffering from illness sent me copious notes he had
collected whilst making researches concerning Whitby
and its environs.

I must also thank Professor G. Carey Foster, F.R.S.,
who enabled me to consult the Records of the Royal
Society ; Lord Fitzmaurice, who obtained for me docu-
ments from the Shelburne MSS. ; the Right Hon.
Joseph Chamberlain, who permitted me to see some
volumes of Colonial Records which were not available
to the public at that time ; the Rev. Canon Bennett,
who was related to Mrs Cook and knew her personally,
for some most interesting letters ; Messrs T. Stephenson
and R. T. Gaskin, both of Whitby, for valuable notes ;
and the officials of the British Museum and Public
Records Office for their courtesy and attention.

I also desire to record that the late Professor E. E.
Morris of Melbourne University kindly gave me some
valuable information concerning a log kept by Cook
when on board the Eagle^ which was in his possession.

Those who have had any business relations with

PREFACE xi

<* Mr Murray" will know what I mean when I say that
Mr John Murray has personally assisted me in the
revision of the proofs, and Mr Hallam Murray has
superintended the illustrations ; those who have not,
will hardly be able to understand how much I feel
indebted.

My only regret in parting with what has been a
most interesting subject to me, is that the pleasure and
duty of placing my work before the public has not
fallen into abler and more practised hands than my
own.

ARTHUR KITSON.

London, 1907.

CONTENTS

CHAP.

I. EARLY YEARS ^^°J

II. I755-1757-H.M.S. ^^GZ^ jg

III. i7S7-i7S9—^'^'^' PEMBROKE 29

IV. l7S9-'^7^^—'H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND .... 51
V. 1 763- 1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND 63

VI. 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE ... 82

VII. 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE .... 98

VIIL 1769 — SOCIETY ISLANDS II4

IX. 1 769- 1 770— NEW ZEALAND 13I

X. 1770 — AUSTRALIA 167

XI. 1 770- 1 77 1— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND . . . .195

XII. 1 77 1 — PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II . . . .2x8

XIII. 1 772- 1 774— SECOND VOYAGE 24 1

XIV. 1 7 74- 1 77 5— SECOND VOYAGE— CONT/Nl/ED . . .297
XV. 1 775- 1 776— ENGLAND 323

XVL 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE 35^

XVII. 1777-1779— THIRD YOY AGE— CONT/Nl/ED . . -414

XVIII. 1 779- 1 780— THIRD YOY AGE— CONCLUDED . . .467

XIX. APPRECIATIONS— MRS COOK 49^

APPENDIX 511

INDEX 5^9

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Captain Cook. From the portrait by N. Dance^ in

the Painted Hall^ Greenwich Hospital . . . Frontispiece

Letter from Lieutenant James Cook (formerly
Master of H.M.S. Mercury), to the Duke of
Newcastle. Now in the British Museum . To face p. 27

Description of Halifax Harbour. By permis-
sion of the Royal United Service Institute . . „ 54

Certified Copy of Certificate of Marriage of
Captain Cook. Taken from the Register of St
Margarefs, Barking, Essex. From the Whitby
Collection „ 60

Sailing Directions, Halifax Harbour. By per-
mission of the Royal United Service Institute . „ 60

A Barque. Reproduced from E. W. Cooke's ''''Shipping

and Craft,^^ typical of the "EnditdLvonr ... „ 88

Sir Joseph Banks » ico

Fort Venus. From a drawing in Indian Ink, by

James Cook. Now in the British Museum . „ n?

Model of the Resolution. Made at Messrs

Fishburn'syard, and now in the Museum, Whitby „ 226

The Fleet of Otaheite. From an engraving after
Hodges, in the United Service Museum. By
permission of the Council . . . • • »» 281

Landing at Mallicolo. From the original by
W. Hodges. By permission of the owner, H.
Arthurton, Esq » 290

XV

xvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Landing at Erromango. Froin an engraving after
Hodges^ in the U?iited Service Museum. By
permission of the Council . . . . . To face p. 291

Landing at Tanna. Fro7n the original by W.
Hodges. In the possession of Henry Arthurton^
Esq ,,292

Captain Cook. From a portrait in the Museum.,
Whitby. Artist unknown. By permission of
the Council^ Whitby Literary and Philosophical
Society » 343

Chronometer used on the Resolution^ and

AFTERWARDS ON THE BOUNTY. Now in the

Museum of the United Service Institute . , „ 349

Cook's Hanger or Sword. Now in the United

Service Museum. By permission of the Council . „ 349

Captain Cook's Ship, The Resolution From
a drawing in the possession of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society. Reproduced from a photo by
Rischgitz >» 354

Death of Captain Cook. From an engraving at
the United Service Museum. By permission of
the Council „ 474

Medal struck to Commemorate the Departure

OF the Second Expedition under Cook . „ 499

Gold Medal in Honour of Captain Cook,

struck by order of the Royal Society . „ 499

THE LIFE OF CAPTAIN COOK, R.N.

CHAPTER I

EARLY YEARS

Captain James Cook, R.N., the Circumnavigator, was
by birth a Yorkshireman, a native of the district of
Cleveland, but of his ancestry there is now very little
satisfactory information to be obtained. Nichols, in
his ''Topographer and Genealogist," suggests that
r,** James Cooke, the celebrated mariner, was probably
of common origin with the Stockton Cookes, and might
also be one of Edward Cooke's progeny, though it
has been alleged his family came from Scotland."
Nichols's chief reason for making this suggestion seems
to have been the possession by a branch of this
Stockton family, of a crayon portrait of some relation
which was supposed to resemble the great discoverer
in features and expression. He does not attempt to
explain the fact that James Cook and all his family
invariably spelt their name without the final e, which
the Stockton Cookes as invariably use.

The opinion of those of Cook's contemporaries, who
had been in actual contact with him or his family, was
that his father was either a Northumbrian or a Scotsman,
and it would appear most probable that the last is
correct. Dr George Young, a former vicar of Whitby,

A

2 EARLY YEARS [chap.

who published a '*Life of Cook" in 1836, went to that
place about 1805, and claims to have obtained much
information *' through intercourse with his relatives,
friends, and acquaintances, including one or two
surviving school companions." He is undoubtedly
the most reliable authority on Cook's early years, if not
the only one, and he appears thoroughly satisfied that
Cook was of Scotch extraction. Dr George Johnston,
usually a most careful writer, states in his book, *^The
Natural History of the Eastern Borders," that in the
year 1692, at the time when the father of James
Thompson, the author of ^^The Seasons," was the
minister of Ednam in Roxburghshire, a man named
John Cook was one of the elders of the kirk. This
John Cook married, on the 19th of January 1693, a
woman of the name of Jean Duncan, by whom he
had a son, James, baptized on 4th March 1694,
and this child, Johnston positively asserts, was after-
wards the father of the future Captain James Cook.
These entries of the marriage and baptism have
been verified by the Rev. John Burleigh, minister of
Ednam in the year 1898, and it may be pointed out
that the date of the baptism of the child James Cook
agrees with the probable date of the birth of Captain
Cook's father, for he died on ist April 1778, in
his eighty-fifth year. In the course of time young
James left Ednam to ** better himself," but owing to
the whole of the church records being missing for
some years after 1698, Mr Burleigh is unable to trace
the time of his departure ; he, however, thinks that
it is almost certain that young Cook would take away
with him a '^testificate of church-membership," and,
in that case, it is possible, though perhaps not very
probable, that such testificate may still exist. The
alum trade in North Yorkshire had about this time
attracted a number of Scotch people to the district, as
may be seen from the names in the registers of the

'•] BIRTHPLACE

3

different parishes, and it seems far from unlikely that
the idea of meeting some of his own countrymen would
induce young Cook to settle down in that neigh-
bourhood.

Be this as it may, the first positive information to
be found is that at Morton, in the parish of Ormsby,
where James Cook and his wife Grace (her maiden
name has so far escaped identification though she is
known to have been a native of Cleveland) resided for
some time, and here their eldest child, John, was born,
and was baptized on loth January 1727. Dr Young
says that when Mrs Cook of Ednam was saying good-
bye to her son, she said: ''God send you Grace,"
and that the son looked upon this speech as prophetic
of his marriage. Shortly after the birth of their eldest
child, the Cooks left Morton for Marton, a village a
few miles away, and the similarity of the two names
has caused some slight confusion. At Marton, the
father worked for a Mr Mewburn, living in a small
two-roomed cottage built of mud, of the kind called
in the district a ''clay biggin."

This cottage was destroyed about 1786, when Major
Rudd erected a mansion near the spot, and afterwards,
when this mansion was unfortunately burnt to the
ground, the site of the cottage was planted with trees,
and was popularly known by the name of "Cook's
Garth " ; a willow tree was pointed out to Dr Young
as occupying the exact spot where the cottage had
been. He says :

"The site of the cottage is in the ground behind
the hall, and Timothy Lax, an old shoemaker, who
died lately, aged eighty, and whose wife's mother, Ann
Mainforth, who lived to the age of ninety-six, was
present at the Captain's birth, conducted the author to
the place where the cottage stood. No vestige of the
walls is left,"

4 EARLY YEARS [chap.

Sir Walter Besant says that a pump exists near
by, which has the reputation of having been made
by Cook's father for the purpose of supplying his
house with water. Mr Bolckow, the present owner
of Marton Hall, writes in a private letter, that

^*the cottage was found destroyed when my uncle
bought Marton in 1854, but we came across the founda-
tions of it when the grounds were laid out. An old
labourer, who died at the age of ninety-three, pointed
them out, and my uncle erected a granite vase on the
spot. The pump does not exist now, and was altogether
apocryphal, having no doubt been put there after Cook's
time."

In this humble cottage James Cook, the Circum-
navigator, was born on 27th October 1728, and, accord-
ing to the register of Marton church, was baptized
on 3rd November, being entered as ^^ James, ye son
of a day labourer." This child proved to be the second
of a family of seven whose names were John, James,
Mary (i), Jane, Mary (2), William, and Margaret.
Besant gives the name of an eighth, Christina, but
this seems doubtful.

The Cooks remained in Marton some years, during
which time they removed into another cottage, and
young James received some instruction from a Mistress
Mary Walker, who is said to have taught him his
letters and a little reading. Mrs Walker is described
by Dr Young and Dr Kippis as the village school-
mistress, but Ord, whom Besant follows, waxes very
indignant over this assertion. He says :

^'She was the daughter of the wealthiest farmer in
the neighbourhood, and wife of William Walker, a
respectable yeoman of the first class, residing at Marton
Grange." He then goes on to say: "Cook, then a
mere lad, tended the stock, took the horses to water,
and ran errands for the family, and in return for such

I.] EDUCATION 5

services, the good old lady, finding him an intelligent,
active youth, was pleased to teach him his alphabet and
reading."

Ord claims to be the great, great, great-grandson of
Mrs Walker on his mother's side, but, taking into
consideration the amount of work to be done by a
child of less than eight years of age, it is to be hoped
that his anxiety to defend his ancestress from what he
appears to think an insult, has led him to overstate
his case. If he has not, James Cook commenced at
a very early age to pay dearly for his education.
However this may be, the old lady rests in peace
in Marton churchyard, where her tombstone records
the ripe old age of eighty-nine years.

In 1736 Cook's father was appointed to the position
of hind or bailiff by Mr Skottowe, and removed with
his family to Airy Holme Farm, near Ayton. Sir
W. Besant explains this position as that of a man,
who, residing on the farm, was paid a regular wage
for carrying on the necessary work, and handed over
to the landlord all the proceeds. Young James, who
was then eight years old, was sent to a school on
the High Green kept by a Mr Pullen, where he was
instructed in the arts of writing and arithmetic as far
as the first few rules — *' reading having apparently
been acquired before." For arithmetic, he is said to
have exhibited considerable aptitude, and it is believed
that Mr Skottowe was induced by the good reports
he heard of his progress to pay for his schooling.
Dr Young says that his schoolfellows gave him the
character of being fond of his own way, and that
when any project was on foot for bird's-nesting or other
boyish amusement, and discussion arose as to the
method to be pursued, he would propound his own
plans, and insist on their superiority over the sugges-
tions of others ; and should his views not meet with

6 EARLY YEARS [chap.

approbation, he would pertinaciously adhere to them
even at the risk of being deserted by his companions.

Chandon and Delandine, in the *' Dictionnaire
Historique," say that Cook first commenced work in
a coal mine, and was soon afterwards pressed into
Sir Hugh Palliser's ship ; whilst Hennequin, who
places Marton in Durham, says that *^Sir Thomas
Skottowe," after paying for his schooling at Ayton,
caused him to be *' bound apprentice at the age of
thirteen, to a mercer at Staith, near Newcastle, a
town celebrated for its coal mines."

Most of the English writers on Cook say that young
James was sent to Staithes at the age of thirteen, and
bound apprentice to a Mr Saunderson, a grocer
and haberdasher ; but Mrs Dodds, Mr Saunderson's
daughter, told Dr Young that, after leaving school,
he remained on the farm, rendering to his father what
assistance his strength would permit, till the year 1745,
when he was seventeen years of age, and that he then
went to Staithes to her father, to whom he was not
bound apprentice, but with whom he was placed on
trial, ^*on the footing of a verbal agreement without
indentures." He would thus be free to leave or be
discharged at any time.

Staithes is a picturesque little village built in a
narrow cleft in the cliffs about ten miles from Whitby,
whose inhabitants were chiefly occupied in the North
Sea fishery, and doubtless also interested in the
smuggling at that time so rife all along the southern
and eastern coasts of England. Here Cook remained
as Saunderson's assistant for about eighteen months,
and it may be easily pictured how the growing lad
listened with all his ears to the tales of the old sailors,
telling of brave deeds and strange experiences in storm
and shine on that element which was for so many
years to be his home ; and at last, perhaps impelled
by some instinctive feeling that here lay the path at

I] THE STAITHES SHOP ^

his feet to lead him on to future distinction, he vowed
to himself that he could not bind down his life to the
petty round of a country storekeeper.

The shop and house where he was engaged was
situated near the sea, about three hundred yards from
the present slipway; in fact, it was so close to the
water that, in 1812, it was threatened by the waves,
and was pulled down by Mr John Smailey, who had
succeeded Mr Saunderson in the business, and the
materials were, as far as possible, used for erecting
the building in Church Street, which is still in
existence, and is pointed out as ^* Cook's Shop." The
original counter was there until 1835, when it was
removed to Middlesborough by Mr R. Hutton, a
descendant of Mr Smailey.

The late Mr G. W. Waddington of Grosmont, near
Whitby, an enthusiastic admirer of Captain Cook,
visited Staithes on 2nd September 1887, and found
that the site of the original shop was entirely covered
by deep water. He was informed by an old man
who, as a boy, had assisted to remove the stock from
the shop, that, not only w^ere the stones of the house
used again in the building in Church Street, but also
most of the woodwork and the present door with its
iron knocker is the same one at which probably Cook
himself had knocked many a time.

Besant suggests, in his ^' Life of Cook," that perhaps
the Saundersons were in some way related to or con-
nected with the Cook family, giving as his reason for
the suggestion the fact that there were people of that
name living at the time in Ayton. This suggestion
may be rejected, for had there been any grounds for
making a claim of the kind it is almost certain that
Mrs Dodds would not have omitted it when she was
giving her recollections to Dr Young, and, had she
done so, the latter would have recorded it. Besant
then goes on to paint Saunderson's character in colours

8 EARLY YEARS [chap.

of anything but an agreeable hue, as one who was a
little too fond of his stick for his apprentices and his
grog for himself, and he suggests that all his boys ran
away from him but one, and he died of putrid fever
contracted by sleeping under the counter. He then
proceeds to relate in a most circumstantial manner,
how Cook's desire for the sea developed, and how
having stolen a shilling from the till, he packed up
his luggage in a single pocket handkerchief, ran away
to Whitby, found a ship on the point of sailing, jumped
on board, offered his services as cabin boy, was at
once accepted, showed himself so smart and attentive
to his numerous duties that he completely won the
heart of the sour-visaged mate, and through his good
offices was eventually bound apprentice to the owners
of his ship, and thereby laid the foundation-stone of
his fortunes. This is a very breezy and life-like
description of what might have been, and has, under
the sanction of the author's brilliant reputation, been
accepted as truth by many readers, but unfortunately
is built on a very slight foundation. It is to be
regretted that, amongst others, Sir Clements Markham
has accepted this story of the stolen shilling.

That there was a difficulty about a shilling seems
undoubted, and the two following independent versions
of the story will probably put it in its proper light, for
Dr Young says, **Saunderson and his family, of whom
a son and a daughter, Mr John Saunderson and Mrs
Dodds, survived till this history was begun, continued
to have a friendly regard for our hero ; " and it seems
highly improbable that much friendly regard would be
felt for a dishonest runaway, that Mr Saunderson would
or could have taken a runaway to Whitby to introduce
him to the notice of Mr John Walker, or that he would
have been received by that gentleman with such favour
as it is evident he was.

Mr Wilson of Trinity House, Hull, made personal

I-] THE SOUTH SEA SHILLING g

enquiries on the spot about this story, and obtained
from old residents the local version as follows :

** Cook seeing a new shilling in the till, took it out,
replacing it by one of his own. The master missing the
bright shilling searched Cook's box and found it there,
sent for a constable and for Cook's father, and charged
the boy with theft. The boy declared his innocence
and explained ; the master expressed his regret, and
although Cook's father and the master both pressed
him to stay, his reply was : * No, father, I can't. Once
a thief always a thief. I must go.' And he then went
to Whitby, and was there apprenticed to the sea."

Dr Young relates the affair thus, having obtained his
information from people who were in Staithes at the
time, and who knew Cook personally. Cook had
noticed a South Sea shilling in the till, and probably
being struck by its unusual design (it was only coined
in the year 1723) changed it for one of his own.
Saunderson had also noticed it, and when he missed
it he made enquiries about it, perhaps in rather
unmeasured terms, but when the matter was explained
to him he was perfectly satisfied. Afterwards, seeing
that the boy was bent upon a sea life, he obtained the
father's permission and took him to Whitby himself
and introduced him to Mr John Walker, a member
of a coal shipping firm of repute, to whom he was
bound apprentice, and with whom he never lost touch
till the end of his life.

This apprenticeship to Mr John Walker, and not
to the firm as is usually stated, was the first step over
the threshold of a new career, a step which was to
lead him on to a position in the world's long roll of
distinguished mariners, second to none. It was not
for a period of seven or nine years, as is almost always
said, but, on the authority of Mr Walker's sons, John
and Henry, for three years, and the difficulty so
many have experienced in understanding how Cook

lo EARLY YEARS [chap.

could have been apprenticed to both Saunderson and
Walker is completely set at rest by Mrs Dodds's
statement.

Whitby was at that time a very important centre
in the coasting trade, and possessed several ship-
building yards of good reputation, and it was in a
Whitby-built ship, the Freelove^ that Cook made his first
voyage. It has been suggested that the proper name
of the ship was the Truelove^ but there can be no doubt
that the Freelove, as given by Dr Young, is correct,
for Mr G. W. Waddington has discovered, amongst
the accounts of the Whitby Poor House for that year,
the charges for the supply of oakum to Messrs Walker's
ships, and amongst the names is that of the Freelove,
This ship, a vessel of about 450 tons, some 80 tons
larger burthen than the celebrated H.M.S. Endeavour,
was employed in the coal trade up and down the East
coast, and no doubt Cook picked up there many a
wrinkle of seamanship and many a lesson of the value
of promptitude in the time of danger which were of
service to him when he came to the days of independent
command ; for the North Sea has, from time immemorial,
been reckoned a grand school from which to obtain
recruits for the Royal Service.

In the intervals between his trips Cook stayed, as
was usual in those days, at his employer's house ; his
time ashore being longer during the winter months
as the ships were then generally laid up. The
house in Grape Street, at present occupied by
Mr Braithwaite, is pointed out as the one where he
lived when with Mr Walker ; but this appears to be
incorrect, for Mr Waddington ascertained from
the rate books that Mr Walker's mother was living
there at that time, and Mr Walker himself lived in
Haggargate from 1734 to 1751, removing thence to
the north side of Bakehouse Yard in 1751, and to
Grape Street in 1752, after his mother's death. That

I] SELF IMPROVEMENT „

is to say, he did not reside in Grape Street till three
years after Cook's apprenticeship was at an end, when
of course he, following the usual custom, would have
to provide himself with lodgings. Dr Young at one
time desired to purchase the house in Haggargate
from Mr Henry Walker, who had succeeded to it on
his father's death, as it was conveniently situated with
regard to the Chapel, but his offer was received with
the remark : ^' God forbid that I should sell the
inheritance of my fathers."

During these periods of leisure between his voyages,
Cook endeavoured to improve his store of knowledge,
and it is believed he received some instruction in
elementary navigation. He made great friends with
Mr Walker's housekeeper, Mary Prowd, from whom
he obtained the concession of a table and a light in a
quiet corner away from the others, where he might
read and write in peace. That he worked hard to
advance himself is evident from the fact that Mr Walker
pushed him on at every opportunity, and gave him as
varied an experience of things nautical as lay in his
power, and he was so well satisfied with Cook's
capabilities that, had he not left the service of the firm
for the Royal Navy, he would have been given the
command of one of their best ships. This fact, which
is undoubted, would seem to prove that even then he
had obtained more than a mere smattering of nautical
knowledge.

After several voyages in the Freelove (which is stated
by the Yorkshire Gazette to have been 'Most together
with one hundred and fifty passengers and the winter's
supply of gingerbread for Whitby, off either the French
or Dutch coast" one stormy Christmas, the year not
being given) Cook was sent to assist in rigging and
fitting for sea a vessel called the Three Brothers, of
some 600 tons, which was still in existence near the
close of the last century. After she was completed,

12 EARLY YEARS [chap.

Cook made two or three trips in her with coals, and then
she was employed for some months as a transport
conveying troops that had been engaged in Flanders,
from Middleburg to Dublin and Liverpool. She was
paid off by the Government at Deptford in the spring
of 1749, and then traded to Norway, during which time
Cook completed his time of service as apprentice, that
is, in July 1749. Cook related to Forster, the naturalist,
on the second voyage to the South Pacific, that on
one of his trips to Norway the rigging of the ship
was completely covered with birds that had been
blown off the land in a heavy gale. Amongst them
were several hawks who made the best of their
opportunities with the smaller birds.

When his time as apprentice had expired he went
before the mast for about three years. In 1750 he
was on board the Maria of Whitby, owned by a
Mr John Wilkinson, and commanded by Mr Gaskin,
a relative of the Walkers, and on her was again
engaged in the Baltic trade. The following year he
was in a Stockton ship, and in 1752 he was appointed
mate of Messrs Walker's new vessel, the Friendships
on board of which he continued for three years, and
of which he would have had the command had he
remained longer in the mercantile service. This
was rapid promotion for a youth with nothing to back
him up but his own exertions, and tends to prove
that he had taken full advantage of the opportunities
that fell in his way, that he must even then have
displayed a power of acquiring knowledge of his
profession beyond the average, and that he had gained
something more than a smattering of seamanship.

At about the time that James Cook received the
appointment as mate, his father appears to have given
up his position as bailiff to Mr Skottowe at Airy Holm
Farm, and turned his attention to the building trade.
A house in Ayton is still pointed out as his work,

'.] FATHER AS SCHOLAR ,3

but it has apparently been rebuilt, as Dr Young speaks
of it as a stone house, and it is now partly brick, but
the doorway of stone still remains bearing above it
the initials ^'J. G. C," for James and Grace Cook,
and the date 1755. The old man has almost always
been represented as being completely uneducated,
but this does not seem to be correct. Colman in his
** Random Recollections " writes :

**In the adjacent village to Kirkleatham," Redcar,
^* there was at this time an individual residing in a
neat, comfortable cottage, who excited much interest
in the visitors to the Hall. His looks were venerable
from his great age, and his deportment was above
that which is usually found amongst the lowly
inhabitants of a hamlet. How he acquired this air
of superiority over his neighbours it is difficult to
say, for his origin must have been humble. His
eightieth summer had nearly passed away, and only
two or three years previously he had learned to read,
that he might gratify a parent's pride and love by
perusing his son's first voyage round the world. He
was the father of Captain Cook ! This anecdote was
told us on the spot, and I vouch no further for its
authenticity, but if it is true, there are few touches
of human nature more simply affecting."

From the little that can now be ascertained about
this old man, Colman's evident doubts seem to be
fully justified, and the superiority of deportment may
be put down as the stamp of an amount of education
greater than that of his more immediate surroundings.
If, as appears to be probable, he was the son of an
elder of the Scottish Church it is extremely unlikely
that he would be entirely uneducated, and the position
he held as hind to Mr Skottowe would point to his
being somewhat superior to his fellow-labourers, and
would seem to necessitate some slight knowledge, at
all events, of keeping farming accounts. But there
is direct evidence that the pretty story of learning to

14 EARLY YEARS [chap.

read at an advanced age is untrue, for Mr George
Markham Tweddell, of Stokesley, writes in the Leeds
Mercury of 27th October 1883 :

*' I may mention that Captain Cook's father was not
the illiterate man he has been represented ; and I have,
lying on my study table as I write, a deed bearing his
signature, dated 1755 ; and the father's signature bears
a resemblance to that of his distinguished son."

As writing is invariably learned after the art of
reading, it follows that he could not have waited till
he was nearly eighty before he acquired the latter
accomplishment. In 1755 he was sixty-one.

In addition he claimed to have carved with his own
hand the inscription on the family tombstone in Great
Ayton churchyard, which runs as follows :

*' In Memory of Grace, wife of James Cook, who died
February i8th, 1765, aged 63 years."

On the other side of the stone is : —

**To y^ Memory of Mary and Mary, Jane and
William, daughters and son of James and Grace Cook.
Mary di^ June 30th 1737, in y^ fifth year of her age.
Mary did June 17th 1741, aged 10 months and 6 days ;
Jane di^ May y^ 12th 1742 in y^ 5th year of her age;
William di^ Jay y^ 29th 174^, aged 2 y^- 12 mo^- 16
das- and 7 ho''^-, and also John their son, dyed Sep^- 20,
1750, aged 23 years."

It is possible that he might have had the letters
traced for him on the stone by someone else and then
have carved them out, but that seems hardly probable.
He spent the last years of his life under the roof of
his daughter Margaret, who was married to a fisherman
of Redcar named James Fleck, and passed away on
I St April 1778, aged eighty-four years. He was buried
in Marske churchyard, but there is nothing to mark his
exact resting-place, and its position has long been

I.] RELATIVES (?) ,^

forgotten. In the register of deaths he is again
described as a day labourer. On the west side of the
church at Marske there is a stone erected to the
memory of Margaret, wife of James Fleck, who died
in 1798 aged twenty-six, and may possibly have been
the daughter-in-law of Margaret Fleck, Captain Cook's
sister.

In ** Notes and Queries" it is recorded that, in 1870,
an old agricultural labour, named Tree, was living in
East Sussex, who claimed to be, on his mother's side,
the grandson of Captain Cook's brother. He declared
that his mother, who had married twice, first a man
named Ashdown, and afterwards one named Tree, but
had been dead many years, bade him always remember
that he was the grandnephew of '' Captain Cook who
sailed round the world." If this be true, but it seems
doubtful, Mrs Tree must have been the daughter of
John Cook who died in 1750 aged twenty-three, as the
only other brother died in infancy.

CHAPTER II

I755-I757-~H.M.S. EAGLE

Notwithstanding the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in
1748, there were constant troubles occurring between
the French and English, in which the American
colonies of both nations took a conspicuous part, and
which ultimately led to open war. The first shot was
fired on loth June 1755, although war was not formally
declared till May 1756. At this time, that is in June
1755, the Friendship was in the Thames, and it is said
that her mate, James Cook, recognising that he would
probably have some trouble in avoiding the '^hot
press" which had been ordered, decided, after having
been in hiding for some little time, to solve the difficulty
by volunteering into His Majesty's Service. There does
not appear to be any reason to think that this is really
the fact, and Mr Samwell, who was surgeon on Cook's
third voyage of discovery, paid a visit to Whitby, on
his return, and records that the Walkers had offered to
make Cook master of one of their ships before he left
Whitby for London on his last trip in their service — but
the offer was declined. Cook had seen his chance and
was determined to take it. He knew that experienced
seamen were difficult to obtain, that men of a certain
amount of nautical knowledge and of good character
could soon raise themselves above the rank of ordinary
seamen ; he had doubtless seen cases of men who had
entered as A.B. finding their way to the quarter-deck;
and he was certain that he had only to ask the
i6

CHAP. II.] ENTRY INTO NAVY ,y

Walkers for letters of recommendation for them to be at
his service. It must be remembered that the act of
leaving employment which, to many men of his
position, would have seemed most satisfactory, was
not the act of hot-headed youth, no step taken in the
spirit of adventure, but the act of a man of twenty-seven
years of age and some eight or nine years' experience
of the rough, as well as smooth, side of maritime life.

The letters written by Cook to the Walkers, of which
there appear to have been several, one or two relating to
a later period having been seen by Dr Young, fell
into the hands of a niece, who, unfortunately, did not
recognise their value, and destroyed them shortly before
her death, which occurred some years ago. However,
it is known that about this time Cook wrote to them
and evidently received a favourable reply, for he shortly
afterwards wrote again thanking them for the letter,
gratefully acknowledging the service it had been to
him ; and it is possible to form an idea of what the
correspondence was from the Public Records, which
will be quoted in due course.

Having made up his mind how to proceed. Cook
went to a rendezvous at Wapping and volunteered into
H.M.S. Eagle, a fourth-rate 6o-gun ship, with a
complement of 400 men and 56 marines, commanded
by Captain Joseph Hamer, and at that time moored in
Portsmouth Harbour. On the Muster Roll, preserved in
the Records Office, and duly signed by Joseph Hamer,
the captain, Robert Hayes, the purser, Thomas Bisset,
the master, and James Mayer, the boatswain, the
following entry occurs : *' 161. from London Rendez-
vous, James Cook, rating, A.B., date of entry, June
17th, 1755, first appearance, June 25th, 1755."

On 24th July, that is, thirty-seven days after the date
of his entry into the Navy, he is rated as master's mate,
a position which he held till the 30th June 1757, the
date on which he quitted H.M.S. Eagle.

B

i8 1755-1757— H.M.S. EAGLE [chap.

His appointment was of course facilitated by the
great difficulty experienced in obtaining men for service
in the Navy, as may be gathered from some of Captain
Hamer's letters :

* ' The Rendezvous, which I appointed, by their Lord-
ships directions in town, having procured me very few
men and those only landsmen, and His Majesty's Ship
under my command being very near ready to sail to
Spithead, and the twenty pounds advance to my
Lieutenant almost expended, I beg their Lordships
orders for breaking up the Rendezvous, that the
Lieutenant and Petty Officers may repair to their duty
on board."

In another letter he complains of the quality of the
men he has received, and states that he is one hundred
and forty short of his complement. On 9th September
he writes :

** I do not believe there is a worse man*d ship in the
Navy. Yesterday I received from the Bristol twenty-
five supernumerarys belonging to different ships, but
not one seaman among them ; but, on the contrary, all
very indifferent Landsmen."

These complaints are fully borne out by Captain
Palliser, who, in a letter to the Secretary to the
Admiralty, dated 7th November 1755, says that some
of the crew had been turned over from ship to ship so
often that he is quite unable to make out which was
their original one,

'*they being such that none chose to own them. Of
forty-four said to belong to the Ramilies^ she wanted
only six the other day, but her boatswain could find
out only three amongst them that he thought worth
having."

In the face of these deficiencies in both quantity
and quality of men, and in view of the strong letter of
recommendation from Messrs Walker which, there is

".] THE FIRST CRUIZE ,5

no doubt, Cook applied for and received, there need
be no surprise that Cook was, it may be said, from
the very beginning of his service, promoted above the
rank of A.B., for he most certainly was Master's mate
when he first sailed from an English port on board
a man-of-war, as the ship's records most distinctly
show.

It is usual to look upon James Cook as an explorer
and surveyor only, during his life in the Royal Navy,
and any further service is entirely overlooked ; but on
enquiry it is plainly to be seen that he played a very
active part in some of the most stirring events of the
next few years, and, though the records of his personal
deeds are not to be obtained, the proceedings of the
ships on which he served must be full of interest, for,
from his character, it is certain he would do his full
share of the work to be done, and many of the officers
under whose command he afterwards was, have had
their names handed down by history as assistants in
the grand task of constructing the present British
Empire. With some of these men he was, in the
course of his career, brought into immediate personal
contact, and it is evident that in all cases he obtained
their respect and in some their close personal friendship.

On I St July Captain Hamer was ordered to fit and
provision for a voyage to the Leeward Islands, but
having received 62 men and 53 marines, he was
ordered to sail at once with what crew he had on
board, and to cruise between Scilly and Cape Clear.
Accordingly he left on the 4th August with James
Cook, a master's mate of eleven days standing on
board. On the 6th Hamer received orders to place
himself under the command of Admiral Hawke, and
to continue his cruise, but having been caught in a
gale off the Old Head of Kinsale, in which the ship
received some damage, including the reported spring-
ing of the main mast, he judged it advisable to return

20 I755-I757— H.M.S. EAGLE [chap.

to Plymouth for survey and repairs. On arrival the
mast, which was composed of four pieces, was found
to be quite sound, and the Lords of the Admiralty,
who were greatly annoyed at his leaving his cruising-
ground, ordered him off to sea again ''without the
loss of a moment of time."

Unfortunately, fully expecting that his mast would
have to be taken out, Captain Hamer had determined
to seize what he thought was a favourable opportunity
to clean and scrape the bottom of his ship, as she was
very foul, not having been touched for some months ;
and had ordered her to be lightened for the purpose.
This second delay so exasperated the Lords that they
ordered Captain Palliser, who had just returned from
America in the Sea HorsCy to take over the command
and prepare for sea without further loss of time. This
he did on ist October, and on the 7th the Eagle left
Plymouth for Ushant under sealed orders from Rear-
Ad mi ral West.

On the 1 8th October they sighted and chased a
French ship, but, unfortunately, their main-topmast went
by the board, doing considerable damage to the rigging,
and the chase got away. Repairs were rapidly executed,
and the Eagle fell in with H.M.S. Monmouth the same
night, and next morning again picked up the French-
man, which was soon captured by the Monmouth. The
Eagle then continued her cruise, and after making three
or four small captures returned to Plymouth on 22nd
November, and remained in harbour till 13th March
1756. During this stay in harbour Cook had a short
spell of sickness, but it can hardly have been very
serious, for by the ship's muster rolls he was dis-
charged into hospital on 7th February, and was again
returned as back to his duties as Master's mate on
the 17th.

The Eagle appears to have been kept fairly well
employed ; she was, together with H.M.S. Antelope,

n.] ON DETACHMENT DUTY 21

watching a French Squadron in Cherbourg Harbour,
and early in April was with Admiral Holbourne's fleet.
The Eagle's log states, under date 15th April, when
"off the Isle of Bass, brought to and sent on board
the cutter a petty officer and five men with arms,
provisions, etc."

The cutter was one of two hired vessels which had
joined the squadron the previous day under the convoy
of H.M.S. Falmouthy and James Cook was the petty
officer, for the muster rolls return him as present on
14th April and absent on the 21st and 28th, and over
the last two dates is written ''Lent 15." On 7th May
he is returned as present, and over that date is written
**3 ref^- " On the muster sheets of the St Albans^ in
a ''List of Supernumeraries borne for victuals only
by order of Rear -Admiral West," are the names of
the following, entered under the date 28th April 1756:
"From H.M.S. Eagle, And^. Culford, John Hignett,
Tho^- Rennison, James Cook, Tho^- Charters. D.
May 2nd to Eagle,'' On 27th April the St Albans
was in Plymouth Sound, off Drake's Island, fitting
for sea, and she joined Admiral Boscawen's fleet,
off Ushant, on 2nd May. There is no record of the
reason for sending these men away in the cutter to
Plymouth, but it may be presumed that it was a pre-
cautionary measure against privateers, who were at that
time very active in the Channel.

On 4th June the Eagle returned to Plymouth, and
in reporting his arrival to Mr Cleveland, the Secretary
to the Admiralty, Palliser wrote that he had

"put ashore to the hospital, 130 sick men, most of which
are extremely ill : buried in the last month twenty-two.
The surgeon and four men died yesterday and the
surgeon's two mates are extremely ill : have thirty-five
men absent in prizes and thirty-five short of complement,
so that we are now in a very weak condition."

O

22 I755-I757— H.M.S. EAGLE [chap.

He attributes the very great amount of sickness and
mortality to the absolute want of proper clothing, many
of the men having come on board with only the clothes
they had on, and som.e of them even in rags, and he
applied for permission from the Admiralty to serve out
an extra supply of *^ slops," which was at once granted.

After another short cruise the Eagle again was in
Plymouth in July, and on the loth Palliser, who was
suffering from fever, applied for sick leave, which was
granted, and Captain Proby was ordered to take over
the ship, but he was detained in the Downs by adverse
winds and unable to join, so on 2nd August Palliser,
on hearing a report that a French Squadron had been
seen in the Channel, shook off his fever and resumed the
command of his ship, which was nearly ready for sea.
The report originated with the master of a Swedish
trader, who, under examination, swore that he had seen
nine ships off the Isle of Wight, flying a white flag, all
large, and he estimated two to be 90 gun-ships. He
stated that he was boarded by a boat from one that he
believed to be the flagship, and that after the boarding
officer had returned to his ship, a gun was fired, and the
whole squadron made sail. Very careful enquiry was
made, and the portion of the Channel mentioned by the
Swede was thoroughly searched, but no signs or tidings
could be found of any French men-of-war having been
in the neighbourhood, and the Swede paid the penalty
of what seemed to be only an exercise of his imagina-
tion, by suffering a detention of some months in
Portsmouth.

On 19th November the crew of the Eagle was
increased from 400 to 420 men, and she was kept
cruising about the Channel during the winter. On
4th January 1757, when off the Isle of Wight, she was
caught in a very heavy gale, and almost the whole of
her sails were blown out of her. On 25th May she
sailed in company of H.M.S. Medway ixom Plymouth

".] DUC D'AQUITAINE CAPTURED 23

Sound, falling in, a day or two afterwards, with what
appears to have been Cook's first experience of an
action of importance. On 30th May the two ships
sighted and chased a French ship, which proved to be
an East Indiaman, the Due d'Aquitaim, of 50 guns,
in rather heavy weather; the Medway was leading!
Palliser took the precaution to clear for action during
the chase; but the Medway did not, with the result
that, when within striking distance, she had to bring
to in order to do so, thus giving the Eagle her chance,
which was not neglected ; and after a hard set-to the
enemy struck to the latter vessel. The following is
an extract from the Eagle's log concerning the event :

'' Saw a sail to y^ N^ Ward : D^ Give Chase as Did :
i:\i^ Midway \ Att half-past 3: a.m. : The chase hoisted
French colours. The Chase being about 2 : Miles
a head of us. The Midway : being about half-gunshott
of ye Chase: Then ye Midway, brought to: And
spoke to us : we continued y^ Chase : And give her : a
broadside : which She Returned : We Engaied About
3 : quarters of an hour : Within point Blank. She
Then Struck. The Midway : Then Coming Up :
From a Stern : Empd Getting y^ Prissiners on board
us : and securing our Masts and Rig : We killed her :
50 men : and wounded her : 30 : She killed us : 10 :
Men : and wounded us : 80 :'*

That the Frenchmen made a determined resistance
may be gathered from Palliser's return of damages to
his ship, sent to the Admiralty.

** Twenty shot holes through her sides. Three
lower deck ports shot away. A knee shot through and
several timberheads shot away. The bowsprit much
wounded. The foremast, a shot through the middle of
it and wounded in another place. Two anchor-stocks
shot away. Several shots and bars of iron sticking
in the main and mizzen masts, and several bars of
iron sticking in the sides and yards. The spritsail
yard, two topsail yards, main yard, main topsail yard

24 1755-1757— H-^^S. EAGLE [chap.

and mizen yard all wounded. The fore and main
topmasts shattered, forestay, five foremast shrouds,
three backstays, fore topmast stay, two mizen shrouds,
topsail sheets, ties, halyards, and almost all the running
rigging shot away. Sails rent almost to rags."

Captain Proby, of the Medway, who was Palliser's
senior, says, that not having cleared for action, he
was unable to open his lee ports, and so desired the
Eagle to go on and attack the enemy on the lee bow,
and he would follow up with a second attack on the
lee quarter. When he had cleared, he wished Palliser
to shorten sail so that he might bring the French to
action, but that officer, he thought, did not understand
him and proceeded to engage, and the Medway was
only able to fire a few raking shots. The only damage
the latter suffered was caused by an accidental explosion
of gunpowder which injured ten men. The masts
and sails of the prize were so much damaged that
she lost them all in the night ; one mast in its fall
sinking the Medwafs cutter. It was found that the
Due d' Aquitaine carried a crew of 493 men, and had
landed her cargo at Lisbon, and was then ordered to
cruise for fourteen days to keep a look-out for an English
convoy, sailing under the charge of H.M.S. Mermaid,
She had succeeded in picking up one English brig,
which was ransomed for ;^200. The task of getting
the prisoners on board the two ships was rendered so
difficult by the roughness of the sea that it was not
completed till the second day, when the Eagle^
accompanied by the Medway with the dismasted prize
in tow, returned to Plymouth to be refitted, and
remained there till 12th July. The Lords of the
Admiralty directed ^^that Captain Palliser should be
informed that their Lordships were highly pleased with
his success and gallant conduct on this occasion, and
ordered the Eagle to be refitted at Plymouth." The
prize was surveyed and purchased for the Navy, fitted

".1 MASTER'S APPOINTMENT 25

for sea as a third-rate of 64 guns, with a complement
of 500 men, and was entered in the Navy List under
her original name.

Dr Kippis states that Sir Hugh Palliser informed
him that he had received a letter from Mr Osbaldiston,
M.P. for Scarborough, written at the request of Mr
Walker of Whitby, on the subject of promotion for
Cook. The regulation at that time in force rendered
it necessary for candidates for lieutenants' commissions
to have been employed on board a king's ship for a
period of not less than six years, and an order had
lately been issued that this rule was to be strictly
enforced. Palliser, therefore, wrote in reply that Cook
**had been too short a time in the service for a com-
mission, but that a master's warrant might be given
him, by which he would be raised to a station that he
was well qualified to discharge with ability and credit."
It is probable that the letter to which Dr Kippis refers
was received about this time, for on 27th June, James
Cook attended his last muster on board H.M.S. Eagle,
and on the 30th he was discharged from the books.
The muster rolls of the succeeding dates return him
as, ^^ D 30th June 1757. Solebay prefrmnt."

A search at Trinity House and at the Public
Records Office fails to discover the date of his first
Master's warrant, but he is entered on the roll of
the Solebay as Master, making his first appearance on
30th July 1757. He had risen to his present rank in
the short period of two years from his first entry into
His Majesty's Service ; a very conclusive proof of his
talent and his educational attainments.

All writers on the subject of Cook's career have
fallen into an error with regard to the name of the
ship to which he was first appointed as Master, and
also as to the date of that appointment. Every one,
with the single exception of Lord Brougham, who
places him on H.M.S. Mersey (which may easily be

26 J75S-I757— H.M.S. EAGLE [chap.

a slip of the pen) put him down as Master of H.M.S.
Mercury^ and state that he joined Admiral Saunders'
fleet in that ship in the Gulf of St Lawrence at the
time of the capture of Quebec. From the Public
Records it is ascertained that the Mercury was not in
the Gulf of St Lawrence with Admiral Saunders, but
was sent in the latter half of 1759 to New York, and
thence to Boston, and was at Spithead on nth April
1760. It is also ascertained from the same source
that Cook not only was never on board the Mercury
in any capacity, but very probably also never even
saw her. He is also said to have been Master's mate
on the Pembroke ; and Dr Kippis relates that he was
appointed to three ships in three days. First, the
Grampusy but she sailed before Cook could join her.
Next, the Garland^ but she had a Master when Cook
joined. Lastly, the Mercury — all this in three days
in 1759.

The explanation of this error as far as the Mercury
is concerned is that there was a second James Cook
in the service, who was appointed master of the Mercury
under a warrant dated 15th May 1759, and entered
on his duties immediately. He was with his ship at
Sheerness on 12th July, at which time his namesake
was with Saunders before Quebec. The Mercury
returned with her master from New York and Boston,
and for some time he was reported **sick on shore";
and on nth June 1760 was superseded by John
Emerton. Soon after this he was appointed third
lieutenant of the Gosport, his commission bearing
date I St April 1760, that is, before he had left the
Mercury, He was with the Gosport in Newfoundland in
1762 at the recapture of St John's, when his ship was
commanded by Captain Jervis, afterwards Lord St
Vincent, and it is quite possible that the two namesakes
may have met at this time. In 1765 he was on board
the Wolf on the Jamaica station, and was selected by

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LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT JAMES COOK,
(Formerly Master of H.M.S. Mercury) to the Duke of Newcastle.

Now in the British Museton.

[To face p, 27.

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II.] "MERCURY" COOK 2^

Admiral Burnaby to carry despatches to the Governor of
Yucatan. This duty he successfully carried out, and
in 1796 published a pamphlet describing his adventures
during that journey. On his return to England from
the West Indies he wrote to the Duke of Newcasde
asking for the command of a sloop; the letter is in
the British Museum, having been included in a
collection as one written by his celebrated namesake.
In 1773 he was lieutenant on H.M.S. Speedwell,
and on 2nd August he applied for a month's leave of
absence on urgent private affairs, as he had come
into some property in the island of Jersey. Leave
was granted. He never rose above the rank of
lieutenant, and his name disappears from the Navy
List after July 1800.

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CHAPTER III

1757-1759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE

On 30th July 1757 Cook joined H.M.S. Solebay,
which was stationed at Leith at the time, but his stay
was very short, for after a cruise of a few days she
returned to Leith, and on 17th September James Cook
was superseded by John Nichols as Master ; his time
on board being so limited that his signature is not
appended to any of the rolls.

On 28th April 1757, Mr Bisset, the Master of
H.M.S. Eagky was appointed Master of H.M.S.
Pembroke^ a new ship, and superintended her fitting
for sea ; and on 26th October, he was transferred to the
Stirling Castle^ and it seems reasonable to assume that
he would inform Cook, of whose qualifications he was
naturally well aware, of the opportunity, and say a
word in support of him as his successor. At any rate,
the muster rolls of the Pembroke show that, in less
than six weeks from the date of his leaving the Solebay,
Cook was established on board the Pembroke as Master,
under a warrant bearing date i8th October 1757, and
entered upon his duties on 27th October, the twenty-
ninth anniversary of his birth ; and from that date, to
his discharge to H.M.S. Northumberland, he signed the
usual documents. At the time of his joining, the
Pembroke was fitting and victualling for a cruise, at
Portsmouth, and sailed for the Channel and Bay of

29

so 1757-1759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

Biscay, under the command of Captain Simcoe, on
8th November, returning to Plymouth on 9th February
1758.

The English Cabinet had determined to renew their
attempts on the French colonies in North America with
greater vigour, and to that end had instructed Admiral
Holbourne, and Lord Loudoun, the commander of the
land forces in America, to attempt the capture of
Louisburg in 1757, but, after inspecting the place, they
decided that, owing to its great strength and the lateness
of the season, it was inadvisable to make any attack.
This place from its position commanded the entrance
to the St Lawrence River, and was looked upon by the
French as second only to Quebec in importance for
keeping the colony of New France safe from the
clutches of the English, and as a centre from which
the conquest of Nova Scotia, and ultimately the whole
of the British possessions in America, was to be
attempted. It was situated on a promontory at the
north-east of the Island of Cape Breton, and had been
occupied for some twenty years by the French, who
had spent during that time about a million and a
quarter on its fortification, and was looked upon by its
owners as being almost impregnable. Except in very
severe winters, its waters were free from ice, and from
its sheltered harbour privateers constantly issued to
prey on and almost destroy the coasting trade of the
English colonies ; even on occasion venturing to attack
the larger craft engaged in trade with Great Britain.
In the year 1745, the English colonists had suffered
so much from the depredations of these hornets of the
sea, that they determined to attack the place, and
having obtained the assistance of a fleet under Admiral
Warren, they despatched a force commanded by Mr
Pepperell, a New England colonel of militia, captured
it, and partially destroyed the fortifications. At the
treaty of Aix-le-Chapelle in 1748, it was again restored

in.] LOUISBURG FLEET .,

to France, and again became a thorn in the side of
British America.

Early in the year 1758, Admiral Boscawen, known
to his men as ** Wry-necked-Dick," from a peculiar
carriage of the head (said to have been caused by
constantly, when a boy, imitating an old servant
of his father), and more affectionately as *'01d
Dreadought,'* was despatched with a fleet and a small
army under Major - General Amherst, to recapture
Louisburg. He sailed from Plymouth with 8 sail
of the line, one of which was the Pembroke^ 3
frigates, 2 fire ships, and 2 transports; General
Amherst followed in the Dublin^ which had been
ordered to replace the Invincible ; the latter having gone
ashore on the Dean Sands, and become a total wreck.
The orders were to rendezvous at Halifax, where they
were to pick up other men -o'- war and transports.
Sailing via Madeira and the Bermudas, they arrived
at Halifax on 8th May, and on 28th May, having
completed his arrangements, Boscawen left for Louis-
burg with 17 sail of the Royal Navy and 127 transports,
as stated in his Journal. Off Cape Sambro' he was
joined by H.M.S. Hawk and 8 more transports, and
half an hour later by the Dublin, As the crew of the
latter vessel were suffering severely from sickness.
General Amherst boarded the flagship, and the Dublin
went to Halifax to recuperate. Two more vessels
came up a few hours later, bringing up the total of
Boscawen 's fleet to 155. He had left behind in
Halifax, owing to the great amount of sickness on
board, the Amelia^ the Burford^ the Prince of Orange^
and the Pembroke (the last had lost 29 men on the
voyage across the Atlantic), with orders to rejoin as
soon as possible. The Pembroke was sufficiently healthy
to leave on 7th June with a convoy of 3 transports,
2 schooners, and a cattle sloop, and arrived at Louis-
burg on the 1 2th, too late to take part in the landing

32 I757-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

which had, in the face of great difficulties, caused
by the opposition offered by the enemy, the rocky
nature of the shore and roughness of the sea, taken
place on the 8th. The losses on that occasion were
3 officers and 49 men killed, and 5 officers and 59 men
wounded, belonging to the army, and 11 men killed
and 4 officers and 29 men wounded belonging to the
Navy, and 19 men wounded of the transport service.
General James Wolfe, who commanded a brigade
during the siege, says: ^*Our landing was next to
miraculous." So bad was the weather that neither
stores nor artillery could be landed for several days,
the first gun being got ashore on the i6th, so Cook
was in good time to take his share of the difficulties
of disembarking supplies, a task so full of danger that
the fleet lost no less than one hundred boats in this
duty alone. As well as affording a base to the attack-
ing force the fleet provided a body of 444 seamen to act
as gunners, and 139 men, who had either been brought
up as miners, or who volunteered, were employed as
engineers, constructing trenches, batteries, and such
necessary siege works ; but none of these were from
the Pembroke.

Owing to the excessively swampy nature of a portion
of the ground to be covered by the attack, great difficulty
was encountered in constructing the approaches, and
it was not till 20th June that the first gun opened fire,
under the superintendence of Wolfe, on whose shoulders
the major part of the direction of the siege seems to
have fallen. In addition to powerful batteries on the
islands at the entrance of the harbour, the French had
sunk 4 ships as a further protection, and on the citadel
and its outworks had mounted 419 guns and 17 mortars.
They had also in the harbour, at the time of the arrival
of the British fleet, 9 men-of-war, one of which, however,
escaped the very day of the landing. She was after-
wards followed by two more, one of which escaped, and

I"] A NIGHT ATTACK 3^

though chased for some distance made good its way
to L'Orient with the first news of the siege ; the other
named LEcho was captured by Sir Charles Hardy and
taken into the English Navy. A fifth ship was added
to those sunk for the protection of the entrance to the
harbour, and one was blown up by an English shell
setting fire to and destroying two others that lay along-
side her. Of the fate of the other two the log of the
Pembroke kept by Cook tells :

''In the night 50 boats man'd and arm'd row'd into
the harbour under the command of the Captains La
Foure" (Laforey) of the Hunter, ''and Balfour," of
the Etna, "in order to cut away the 2 men-of-warr and
tow them into the N. E. Harbour one wh^^ they did
viz.: the Ben Fison'' {Bienfaisant) "of 64 guns, the
Prudon'' {Prudent) "74 guns being aground was set
on fire. At 11 a.m. the firing ceased on both sides."

The boats concerned in this attack, which the
Admiral in his despatch describes as "a very brilliant
affair, well carried out," were a barge and pinnace or
cutter from each of the men-of-war, excepting the
Northumberland, which had too many sick on board,
commanded by a lieutenant, mate, or midshipman,
and Dr James Grahame, in his " History of the United
States of North America," says :

"The renowned Captain Cook, then serving as a
petty officer, on board of a British ship -of- war,
co-operated in this exploit, and wrote an account of it
to a friend in England. That he had distinguished
himself may be inferred from his promotion to the
rank of lieutenant in the Royal Navy, which took place
immediately after."

The statement that he was in the affair may be true,
but there is no evidence on the point, and as he was
at the time not a petty officer but a warrant officer,
and as his promotion did not take place for several

34 I757-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

years, Dr Grahame's statement does not appear very
reliable. The letter he refers to may have been the
one which is known to have been written to Mr John
Walker from Louisburg, but which was so unfortunately
destroyed.

The loss to the British on this occasion was very
small, being only 7 killed and 9 wounded. The
Bienfaisant having been surveyed and reported in
good condition, was received into the Royal Navy,
the command being given to Captain Balfour ; and
VEcho was given to Captain Laforey.

In consequence of this success and the threat of
an immediate assault on the town and citadel, the
French commander surrendered on the following day.
The Admiral in his journal says he wrote to

*'Monsr- de Drucour, the Governor of Louisburg,
directing him to surrender at discretion, acquainting
him that he would this night be attacked by sea and
land. I went on shore and communicated this letter
to Major-General Amherst, who approved of it, and
was sealing the said letter when a letter was brought
to us from Monsr- le Che^r- de Drucour offering to
capitulate, and this day articles of capitulation were
agreed to."

This success was so highly esteemed in England
that Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst both
received the formal thanks of the Houses of Parliament.

Brigadier-General Wolfe, writing to Lord George
Sackville shortly after the siege was concluded, the
letter being undated, says :

^*The Admiral and the General have carried on
public service with great harmony, industry and union.
Mr Boscawen has given all and even more than we cou'd
ask of him. He has furnish'd arms and ammunition,
pioneers, sappers, miners, gunners, carpenters, boats,
and, I must confess, is no bad fantassin " (infantry
man), '* himself, and an excellent back hand at a

HI.] BRITISH SHORTCOMINGS 35

siege. Sir Charles Hardy, too, in particular, and
all the officers of the Navy in general, have given
us their utmost assistance, and with the greatest cheer-
fulness imaginable. I have often been in pain for
Sir Charles's squadron at an anchor off the harbour's
mouth. They rid out some very hard gales of wind
rather than leave an opening for the French to escape,
but notwithstanding the utmost diligence on his sidej
a frigate found means to get out and is gone to Europe!
'charge de fanfaronades.' I had the satisfaction of
putting 2 or 3 hautvizier shells into her stern and to
shatter him a little with some of your Lordship's
24 pound shot, before he retreated, and I much question
whether he will hold out the voyage."

The Pembroke formed one of this squadron under
Sir Charles Hardy.

In an earlier letter to the same person, Wolfe
complains of the want of preparedness, so usually
the failing of the British nation. He says :

*'No nation in the world but this sends soldiers
to war without discipline or instruction." Again :
** as here are no spare arms, nor no rifled barrell
guns, the firelocks of these regiments will be so injured
in the course of the siege that I doubt if they will be
in any condition of service after it is over. Some of
them are already very bad. Some of the regiments of
this army have 3 or 400 men eat up with scurvy.
There is not an ounce of fresh beef or mutton contracted
for, even for the sick and wounded, which besides
its inhumanity is both impolitic and absurd. I think
our stock of provisions for the siege full little, and
none of the medicines for the hospital are arrived.
No horse or oxen for the artillery, etc. Our cloathes,
our arms, our accoutrements, nay, even our shoes
and stockings are all improper for this country.
L^- Howe is so well convinced of it that he has taken
away all the men's breeches."

The breeches with the long heavy cloth gaiters
buttoned up as high as the middle of the thigh with

36 I757-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

a strap beneath the knee would undoubtedly be found
to impede very seriously the marching in a rough
country totally unprovided with roads, however smart
they may have appeared on parade.

After the capitulation of Louisburg, Admiral Sir
Charles Hardy was sent with the Pembroke and nine
other ships, with a small body of troops under Wolfe, to
harry the French in the Gulf of St Lawrence preparatory
to an attack that it was now intended should be made
on Quebec in the following year. Several settlements
and magazines were destroyed, four guns and a pair
of colours taken in the district of Gaspe Bay, and
then the vessels returned, vid Louisburg, to Halifax
for the winter.

At the opening of the season Admiral Durrell, who
had been sent out post-haste from England to hurry
on the preparations, arrived in Halifax, and was shortly
afterwards followed by Sir Charles Saunders, the senior
officer in North American waters, to whom had been
confided the task of conveying Wolfe and his army
through the difficult navigation of the River St Lawrence,
to within striking distance of the City of Quebec, and
when there of supporting him in his attack on that
city. Saunders, who as First Lieutenant of the Centurion
had sailed round the world in 1740 with Anson, is
described by Walpole in the *' Memoirs of George H."
as follows :

**The Admiral was a pattern of the most sturdy
bravery, united with the most unaffected modesty.
No man said less, or deserved more. Simplicity in
his manners, generosity, and good nature adorned
his genuine love of his country."

Saunders left Spithead on the 17th February,
intending to call in at Louisburg on his way to Halifax,
but he was prevented doing so by the ice, for this
had proved to be an unusually severe winter. Admiral

III.] FRENCH STORE FLEET ESCAPES ,7

Durrell, writing to the Secretary to the Admiralty,
says : —

'^This winter of 1759 has proved the severest that
has been known since the settling of the place.
For these two months past I have not heard from
Louisburg. Many vessels have attempted to go there,
but have met with ice eighteen and twenty leagues
from the land ; so were obliged to return, after having
had some of their people froze to death, and others
frost-bitten to that degree as to lose legs and arms."

On his arrival at Halifax, 30th April, Saunders
at once despatched Durrell with a squadron to the
St Lawrence to prevent, if possible, the entrance of
the French spring fleet of store ships, and to render
the strengthening of the already difficult passage,
by fortifications on the **Ileaux Coudres," impossible.
He left Halifax on 5th May, but met with so much
trouble from the ice that he arrived too late, and to
his great annoyance found that the French fleet of
18 sail, convoyed by two frigates, had managed to
get in. One or two small store ships, however, were
captured, which afterwards proved of great service
to the British.

On 15th May, the Pembroke^ which formed one
of Durrell's squadron, met with a loss in the death of
Captain Simcoe, who was buried at sea on the 17th.
Her command was temporarily given to Lieutenant
Collins of the Admiral's ship, and then to Captain
Wheelock, who remained in her till after Cook left.

The British squadron arrived off the *'Ile aux
Coudres " on the 25th, and on the 28th the Pembroke
landed the troops she had on board, **as did y^ rest of
ye men of w^arr," and they took possession of the
island which had been abandoned by its inhabitants.
Here they awaited the arrival of Admiral Saunders and
General Wolfe, and employed themselves in obtaining
a knowledge of the difficulties of the river. On Cook's

38 I757-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

log is the note : "9th June, y« boats of ye fleet engaged
sounding ye channel of y^ Traverse." And on the
nth: *'Ret^- satisfied with being aquanted with
ye Channel." The Traverse here mentioned is that
channel running from a high black -looking cape,
known as Cape Torment, across into the south channel,
and passing between the eastern end of the *^Ile
d'Orleans" and ''He Madame." To this day the
Traverse is looked upon as one of the most difficult
pieces of navigation in the river.

The soundings taken at this time were apparently
for the purpose of checking the charts already in the
hands of the English, and to some extent re-establish-
ing the marks that had been removed by the French.
This in a strong current like that in the River St
Lawrence would be by no means ^n easy task. It
seems certain that the British were supplied with
charts, for Smollett relates that **good charts" were
captured from the French ; and in the London Magazine
for September 1759, a chart of the St Lawrence was
published, drawn by T. Kitchen, having the Traverse
shown on a larger scale ; the courses taken by the
French ships entering and leaving the river are carefully
marked, and ■ a considerable number of soundings are
given. Boscawen, also, captured a French man-of-war
in 1755, and found on board charts and full sailing
directions for the St Lawrence, portions of which were
translated, and without doubt would be issued to the
fleet. In a note to the orders issued by Saunders, on
15th May, to the Masters of Transports, attention is
specially called to '*a plan or chart showing the route
which His Excellency intends to make from Louisburg
Harbour to the Island of Bic." This island is about 80
leagues up the river and about 35 below Quebec.

It is no detraction from the fair fame of General
Wolfe to note, when reading the accounts of the capture
of Quebec, how the historians have neglected to give

I".] WOLFE'S DIFFICULTIES 3^

credit to Admiral Saunders and his men for the assist-
ance afforded under extremely difficult circumstances,
and for the generous support invariably given to the
land forces whenever opportunity arose. It is considered
by some that Wolfe did not display any very marked
military genius in his attacks on the city, but it must
not be forgotten that he was hampered by his
instructions which led him to expect co-operation from
General Amherst, which never came, as that officer had
his hands full elsewhere, and the only news of whom,
received before the fall of the city, was a request for
transports to take prisoners captured at Niagara from
New York to England. Wolfe was hampered by the
inadequate number and inferior quality of his troops,
who were miserably found in supplies, arms, and
money. He says himself, after speaking of the large
number of sick he had been obliged to leave behind,
''there are four new companies of Rangers so bad that
I expect no service from them. Three regiments have
lost their camp equipage." He requested General
Whitmore, the Governor of Louisburg, to give him
some seasoned troops from his garrison in exchange
for some of the newly raised men, but Whitmore
refused on the plea that he could not do it without
express orders from General Amherst, orders which
he knew were impossible for Wolfe to get in time to
be of service ; and he also, on the same plea, managed
to detain troops which Wolfe had been informed in
England would be at his disposal. There seems to
have been little love lost between these two, for Wolfe,
writing to Lord George Sackville after the siege of
Louisburg, says: "Whitmore is a poor, old, sleepy
man. Blakeney lost St Phillips by ignorance and
dotage. Take more care of Louisburg if you mean
to keep it." With regard to his want of money, he
writes to the same: ''This is one of the first sieges
perhaps that ever was undertaken without it."

40 i757-i759~H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

So pressed was the Army at one time, that a
subscription was raised by the officers of both services
to meet immediate necessities ; the Army subscribed
about ;^2,ooo, and the Navy, ;^4,ooo. He was also
hampered by the petty jealousies of some of his sub-
ordinates, men who, owing their positions to him,
should have given him their unquestioning support.
** Junius" charges Townshend with having cast diffi-
culties in the way of many of Wolfe's proposals, and
states that he entered a formal protest against the
attempt on the Heights of Abraham — but this is denied
by Townshend's supporters. Walpole, however, says
that General Townshend *'and his friends for him, even
attempted to ravish the honour of the conquest from
Wolfe. Townshend's first letter said nothing in praise
of him. In one to the Speaker of the House of
Commons, he went so far as indirectly to assume the
glory of the last effort." In addition to these troubles,
Wolfe suffered from continual bad health, which was,
naturally, aggravated by the anxieties and worries that
met him at every turn.

Admiral Saunders left Halifax for Louisburg, to
gather up the remainder of the forces, and had to
remain there till ist June, as some of the troops had
not arrived when he reached the place. He then made
sail for the St Lawrence, joining Durrell on the 24th.
The next day, leaving the largest ships with Durrell to
cover the entrance to the river, he hoisted his flag on
the Stirling Castle^ a ship he had singled out before
leaving England for special service in the river, on
account of her small draught of water and general
handiness, and on board of her as Master was Cook's
friend and former superior, Mr Bisset. The boats
of the fleet were ordered out to act as sailing marks,
and the ascent of the '^Traverse" was commenced.
Captain Knox, of the 45th Regiment, who was present
with his company at the time, says that Durrell had

III.] PASSAGE OF THE "TRAVERSE" 4,

decoyed some of the river pilots on board by hoisting
the French flag when he first entered the St Lawrence,
and these were pressed into the EngHsh service and
placed on board some of the leading ships to help them
through the dangerous track. One was on board the
transport with Knox, but its Master, Killick, declined his
services as he would not trust his ship to the mercy of an
enemy, and, sending his Mate to the helm, took charge
himself. When remonstrated with and told that no
French ship ever presumed to pass there without a pilot,
he said : ' ' Aye ! Aye ! my dear ; but damme I'll convince
you that an Englishmen shall go where a Frenchman
dare not show his nose." He carried his ship through
in safety, chatting with the officers on board and
chaffing the occupants of the mark boats, telling them
to '' make a splutter or they would get no credit for it in
England." Old Killick, who described the river as no
worse than the Thames, deserves to be remembered.

After passing successfully through the Traverse
during the 25th and 26th, the fleet anchored off the
village of St Laurent some distance up the He d'Orleans ;
and the debarkation of the troops was at once com-
menced and completed on the following day. On the
afternoon of the 28th a very heavy squall struck the
fleet, causing several of the transports to part their
cables and go ashore, and the long boat of the Pembroke
was ordered out to assist in getting them afloat again,
which was done with the exception of two, afterwards
burnt by the enemy.

Thinking to profit by the disorder which must
necessarily have been caused by the storm, the French
made a very determined attempt to destroy the fleet
by means of seven fireships that were to have been
carried down by the current into their midst. The
boats of the Pembroke and other men-of-war were again
out, employed in the hazardous task of towing these
undesired visitors into such places as would permit

42 I757-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

them to burn themselves out without danger to the
British shipping. Captain Knox describes the scene
as a display of **the grandest fireworks that can
possibly be conceived," but, he says, they did no
damage, not even causing a scare amongst the young
troops who were quite unprepared for such things.
It seems, however, that the guns and shells which
exploded when the fireships were first ignited, did
cause the retirement of a picket on the western point
of the He d'Orleans, and the officer in command, who
appears to have thought he was about to be attacked
in force, was to have been tried by court-martial, but
being advised to throw himself on Wolfe's mercy he
was pardoned for his error. Knox says that the
ships burned till five o'clock in the morning. To guard
against a repetition of attacks of this nature a system
of guard boats was established, moored across the
south channel from Point Levis, and necessarily
entailed a great amount of extra work on the sailors.

July 9th, loth, nth, and 12th were occupied by the
Pembroke in assisting in the landing of troops, stores,
and artillery at Montmorency, where Wolfe was forming
a camp from which to attack the French left ; his object
being to force on a general engagement with General
Montcalm, whose army covered the land approaches to
the city. On the last mentioned date the bombardment
commenced on the city, from a part of the fleet and
batteries erected on Point Levis, named after the
French General, Monsieur de Levis, and now known
as Point Levi ; and on Beauport, where Montcalm
had concentrated, from the remainder of the fleet in
the basin of Quebec and from Montmorency. The
bombardment continued with little intermission till
13th September.

On i8th July ^*two men-of-war," the Sutherland Sind
Squirrel, *Hwo armed sloops and two transports, with
some troops on board, passed by the town without any

III.] ATTACK FROM MONTMORENCY 43

loss, and got into the upper river." (Wolfe to Pitt
3rd September.) They were accompanied by the Diana,
which ran aground and was attacked by the enemy's
boats, but was brought off by the Pembroke and
Richmond, She was so seriously damaged that she
had to be sent to Boston for repairs.

On the 29th July the French made a second attempt
with a fire-raft on the fleet. It was discovered and fired
on by the guard, and was ignited and abandoned by
those in charge, and though it burnt fiercely it was
taken in tow by the English boats and guided ashore
to burn out harmlessly.

On 31st July an unsuccessful attempt was made
on the French position by the English camped at
Montmorency, assisted by others conveyed to the
attack by the boats of the fleet. They were supported
by the Pembroke^ Trent, and Richmond, which were
''anchored clear over to the north shore before
Beauport, a brisk firing on both sides" (log of the
Pembroke), The boats unfortunately were thrown into
confusion by running into an unsuspected reef of
rocks, on which many of them struck ; and it is said
that the ground from the ford near the mouth of the
Montmorency river proved so steep and slippery that
it did not afford sufficient foothold for the soldiers,
thus adding to the confusion ; and it was very soon
judged advisable to withdraw. The losses, which were
greater than on the Heights of Abraham, are given by
Knox as, ''killed, wounded, and missing 443 English
and near 200 French men and officers." Two "armed
cats," which had also been engaged, got aground, and
were burnt to prevent them falling into the hands of
the enemy.

Wolfe, in a strongly worded general order, lays the
blame of the repulse on the unfortunate disorder into
which the boats were thrown, and on the precipitate
action of the Grenadiers, who rushed to the attack

44 1757-1759— H-M-S. PEMBROKE [chap.

without waiting for their supports to form up. Saunders
dismisses the affair very shortly: **The General not
thinking it proper to persevere in the attack, part of
them re-embarked, and the rest with General Wolfe
crossed the falls to our camp." In the Pembroke's log
Cook says the repulse was solely due to the heavy
fire from the entrenchments *' which soon oblig'd our
Troops to retreat back to the Boats and Montmorency."
Montcalm expected that the attack would have been
made nearer to the city, as the portion of his position
near Montmorency was far stronger, both from his
preparations and naturally. It is claimed by some
writers that Cook surveyed the shore before the action,
but there is no official record of his having done so,
and it seems unlikely that, had any survey been made,
the reef would have been overlooked. It is also asserted
that Cook actually piloted the boats to the attack ; this
is again unsupported, and he would most probably be
fully employed on his own ship, which was covering
the boats.

At this time Wolfe's health was very bad, and affairs
appear to have moved very slowly. The season during
which it was possible for the fleet to remain in the river
was rapidly drawing to a close, and though he still
hoped to hear that Amherst was making a demonstra-
tion in his favour, he felt that he must either retire to
winter quarters in Halifax, leaving a force of 3,000 men
in a fortified camp on the He aux Coudres or try to force
an engagement with Montcalm. He determined on the
latter course, and prepared to move his forces above
Quebec in order to cut off the city from its magazines
and ships, which, on the advent of the English, had
retired up the river. Admiral Holmes had for some
time been stationed above Quebec with a small squadron
and some light draught transports, and had made a
few short expeditions upwards. He now in company
with Wolfe carefully inspected the north shore, for

HI.] ESCAPE FROM INDIANS 45

the purpose of fixing on some spot where a landing
might be possible. Whilst these preparations were
going on Cook was not left idle. On 13th August he
was out renewing the buoy ropes of the moorings of
the guard boats off Point Levis, as the old ones were
''broke away. This night a very brisk cannonading
against the town." On September he and Bisset, of
the Stirling Castle^ were out laying several buoys,
between Montmorency and the mouth of the Charles
river, intended to occupy the attention of the enemy
whilst the boats of the fleet were engaged in moving
the troops and artillery from Montmorency to Point
Levis ; a duty which occupied several days. It was
probably about this time that Cook had a narrow
escape from being captured by the Indians. A small
flotilla of canoes dropped quietly down stream on to
the party, which only escaped by making a dash for
the He d'Orleans, where the hospital guard turned out
to their assistance and drove off their assailants with
loss. So narrow was the escape that, it is stated by
Kippis, as Cook jumped ashore from the bows of his
boat an Indian boarded her at the stern. Mr Bisset
on another occasion was not so fortunate, for whilst
sounding in the north channel on 7th July he was
taken prisoner, but he either managed to es(tape or
was exchanged a short time afterwards, for his name
is only absent from the muster sheet of the Stirling
Castle for a few days.

Whilst the French in their encampment on the
Charles were being amused by apparent preparations
for some new move against them, the English army
had been quietly collected at Point Levis, and gradually
marched up the river to a convenient spot, where they
were embarked on Holmes's squadron, which had been
increased to five men-of-war and a considerable number
of small vessels and flat-bottomed boats, without having
attracted particular attention from the besieged. Some

46 I757-X7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap.

of the men were on board as early as the 6th September,
and the last detachment on the night of the 12th, when
Cook was again out with buoys off the mouth of the
Charles, where he was interfered with by the French,
who were only driven off by a heavy fire from the
Richmond^ on board of which ship was Wolfe.

All preparations were now completed, and Admiral
Holmes sailed up the river as if to beat up the French
communications, but when night fell he returned, and
a landing was successfully accomplished. Admiral
Saunders says in his despatch :

**The night of their landing. Admiral Holmes with
the ships and troops was about three leagues above the
intended landing place. General Wolfe with about half
his troops set off in the boats, and dropped down with
the tide and were by that means less liable to be dis-
covered by the centinals posted all along the coast.
The ships followed them about three-quarters of an
hour afterwards, and got to the landing place just at
the time that had been concerted to cover their landing,
and considering the darkness of the night, and the
rapidity of the current, this was a very critical operation,
and very properly and successfully conducted."

In the meantime, the ships in the basin, some fifteen
in number, under Saunders himself, whose flag was still
on the Stirling Castle^ distracted the attention of the town
and citadel by a heavy cannonade. Lieutenant Norman
of H.M.S. Pembroke has the following entry in his log
relating to this night :

'^Sept. 13th, 1759. Mod. and cloudy. At 6
P.M. our signal for an officer, unmoored and hove
into \ a cable on the B^t- B''- at 12 the Rowing boats
made a feint below Beau port. At 4 a.m. Gen^- Wolfe
landed just below Cape Diamond wi'^h. t^g whole army.
At 8 the sign^- of Boats man'd and arm'd to go to Point
Levi, weighed and drop't hier up. About 10 the enemy
march'd up and attacked Gen^- Wolfe, the action
lasted not 10 minutes before the Enemy gave way and
run in the Greatest Confusion and left us a compleat

III.] SURRENDER OF QUEBEC 47

Victuary. Our Army encamped on the plain a back of
the Town and made the necessary disposition for carry-
ing on ye siege. Admiral Holmes hoisted his flag on
board the Lowestaff^ just off the Landing place. In this
action fell Geni- Wolfe, of the enemy Gen^- Montcalm
and his two seconds."

Cook in his log does not mention the death of Wolfe,
but says *'the troops continued the pursuit to the very
gates of the city, afterward they begun to form the
necessary dispositions for carrying on the siege."

Cook has been said by several writers to have piloted
the troops to the landing-place, and has even been set
within hearing of the recitation of '* Gray's Elegy" by
Wolfe, but as he was out with the ship's boats at the
time Holmes started up the river, and was probably
on board his own ship with his hands full during the
bombardment, these traditions must be put down to
imagination.

The City of Quebec surrendered on the day following
the defeat of the French on the Heights of Abraham,
and was occupied by a force from the fleet under the
command of Captain Hugh Palliser, who was appointed
temporarily by Sir Charles Saunders.

On 23rd September Cook's connection with H.M.S.
Pembroke came to an end. Lieutenant King in a letter
to Dr Douglas says he does not know the exact date
of Cook's appointment to the Northumberland^ but that
he was certainly Master of that ship in 1758. Here
King is in error, for Lieutenant James Norman, of the
Pembroke^ has the following entry in his log under
date 23rd September 1759 : ''Mr Cook, Master, super-
seded and sent on board the Northumberland^ p^- order of
Admiral Saunders." This appointment has been put
down to Lord Colville, who may have specially applied
for him, but of that there is no record ; he certainly did
not make the appointment.

It may be of interest to know that, had the troops

48 I757-I759— I^-M.S PEMBROKE [chap.

only been supplied with money, they would have had
no difficulty in finding supplies, for Captain Knox gives
the following list of prices : Beef gd. to is. per lb. ;
mutton, IS. to is. 3d.; ham, gd. to is. ; salt butter, 8d.
to IS. 3d. ; cheese, lod. ; potatoes, 5d. to lod. per
bushel. A reasonable loaf of good soft bread, 6d. ;
Hyson tea, 30s. per lb. ; plain green tea, very bad,
15s. ; roll tobacco, is. lod. per lb. ; hard soap, lod. to
IS.; London porter, is. per quart; Bristol beer, i8s.
per dozen ; bad malt drink from Halifax, gd. per quart.
At times. Captain Knox says, the cattle supply ran short
and was reserved for the use of the sick and wounded ;
the soldiers then fell back upon horseflesh, and he
remarks that a nice loin of young colt is not to be
despised.

M. de Bougainville, whose name was afterwards to
be associated with that of Cook as an explorer in the
South Pacific, was also engaged at Quebec. He went
out to Canada in 1756 as a captain of Dragoons and was
appointed aide-de-camp to Montcalm. At the time
of the battle on the Heights, he was in command of
a detachment at Cape Rouge on the west side of the
city, but the action was over before he had time to
come up. He was afterwards second in command of
the French army in that part of Canada, but on the
surrender of the colony returned to France, and dis-
tinguished himself on the Rhine in 1761. Two years
afterwards, seeing no prospect of further active service
on land, he entered the Navy at the age of thirty-four,
and in 1766 was placed in command of the expedition
to the South Seas.

Eliot Warburton, in '^The Conquest of Canada,"
states that in 1709 the French received information that
an Englishman, Colonel Vetch, who had resided several
years in Quebec, had sounded all the difficult passages
in the St Lawrence, and had instigated Queen Anne to
sanction an attack on that city. The force was to con-

III.l

PREVIOUS ATTEMPTS ON QUEBEC

49

sist of twenty ships with 6,ocx) British troops, supported
by 2,000 colonists, who were to attack by way of the
great lakes. However, the British force was diverted
to Portugal, and the colonials were compelled to retreat
owing to sickness and distrust of their Indian allies.
He also says that in 17 10 a fleet of ten men-of-war and
thirty-five transports attempted an attack, but eight
vessels being lost in a heavy squall in the *' Traverse,"
the affair proved unsuccessful.

Another attempt was made in 171 1 under General
Hill, but was driven back after the loss of many soldiers
and sailors in the effort to ascend the river.

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CHAPTER IV

1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND

When Admiral Saunders left the St Lawrence for
England, after the fall of Quebec, with the greater
part of his fleet, he appointed Lord Colville, the
captain of H.M.S. Northumberland^ Commander-in-
Chief of the North American Station ; he was instructed
to hoist the Broad Pennant, to winter at Halifax with
his squadron of 7 sail, and to return to the St
Lawrence at the earliest opportunity in order to render
every support to any further movements that might
be made in Canada. Captain Adams was appointed
second captain, and remained in her till his removal
to the Diana in September 1760, w^hen he was succeeded
by Captain Bateman. Pay seems to have been a very
irregular thing in those days, for, in one of Colville^s
letters to the Admiralty in which he makes a claim for
monies which he believed were due to him, he draws
attention to the fact that he had already served '*for
three years on a foreign station without having received
any remuneration."

On the way down the river from Quebec, Admiral
Saunders's fleet appears to have found the passage very
difficult ; the dangers of the Channel being aggravated
by the strength of the current and bad weather. The
Captain^ the Vesuvius^ and the Royal William were
aground for some time, but were ultimately got off"
again without much damage, and the Terrible^ which

51

52 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap.

was drifting and in great danger, was only brought
up by means of an anchor constructed for the occasion
by lashing one of the quarter-deck guns to two small
anchors. When her large anchors were hauled up,
they were found to be broken, and so great was the
loss of these articles that Lord Colville found himself
obliged to press the Admiralty for a fresh supply to be
sent out immediately, as he found it impossible to replace
those lost in the Traverse, at Boston, or any other depot
in America.

Colville's squadron arrived in Halifax on 27th
October, Cook's thirty-first birthday, and as soon as
the winter was over, and the ships had been cleaned
and fitted for sea as well as the limited appliances
of the place would permit, it left for the St Lawrence,
on 22nd April 1760, but as Lord Colville says in
his despatches : ''The ships were so much retarded by
frozen fogs, seas of compacted ice, and contrary winds,"
that they did not arrive off the He de Bic before i6th May.
Here they were met by a sloop with the news that
Quebec was in urgent need of help. General Murray,
hearing of the approach of General de Levis, with a
French force, had left the shelter of the forts, and
notwithstanding that he was greatly outnumbered, had
offered battle in the open. He had at first chosen a
strong position, but hearing from his spies that the
French were engaged in cleaning their arms, having
been caught in a storm the previous night, and were
totally unprepared for an attack, he advanced upon
them, and owing to the suddenness of his attack and
his superiority in artillery, at first gained a considerable
advantage. In the end, however, the weight of numbers
told, and the English were forced to retire within the
fortifications with sadly reduced forces, and Quebec was
again besieged. In consequence of this information,
Colville pushed on as rapidly as possible and anchored
in the Basin on the morning of the i8th only to find

IV.] BONUS FOR SURVEY OF ST LAWRENCE 53

that the siege had been raised the day before owing to
the arrival of H.M.S. Vanguard and Diamond,

During the next four months the squadron passed
an uneventful time in the river and Gulf of St Lawrence,
the flagship being moored in the Basin. On 12th
September they received news of the surrender of
Montreal and the rest of the Canadian provinces to
General Amherst, and on loth October they returned
to winter quarters at Halifax.

On 19th January 1761, Lord Colville records in his
Journal that he had ^'directed the storekeeper to pay
the Master of the Northumberland^ fifty pounds in
consideration of his indefatigable industry in making
himself master of the pilotage of the River St Lawrence."
This is the first official recognition that has been, as
yet, found of the fact that Cook had gone beyond
the ordinary duty that was incumbent on every master
in His Majesty's Service, viz. : *'To observe all coasts,
shoals, and rocks, taking careful notes of the same."
There is no record in any of the official documents
that Cook was especially engaged in surveying the
river, but it is very evident from this entry that he
must have done the work during the four months that
his ship had been moored in the Basin of Quebec.
That is to say, his promotion to the Northumberland
was previous to, and not the consequence of his survey
of the river, and was therefore owing to his general
fitness for the position, and not on account of this special
work having been done, as has always been asserted.

Admiral Saunders had issued special orders the
previous year, that the general instructions from the
Admiralty to the officers of the Navy as to the taking
of observations, soundings, and bearings, w^ere to be
carefully carried out, and the information thus gained
was from time to time, as opportunity offered, to be
forwarded to him, "so that all existing charts may be
corrected and improved." This information, in the

54 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap.

ordinary course of events, would be handed to the
Master of the flagship, Mr Bisset, for comparison and
compilation, and he, knowing Cook's fitness for the
work, may have asked for his assistance and thus
introduced him to the notice of Saunders, who seeing
his aptitude, then selected him for the completion of
the task. In the absence of any records, however, this
can only be a matter of supposition.

Admiral Saunders, on his arrival in England from
Quebec, wrote to Mr Cleveland, the Secretary to the
Admiralty, under date 22nd April 1760, stating that he
had ready for publication, a *' Draught of the River
St Lawrence with its harbours, bays, and islands,"
and asked for their Lordships' directions thereon. With
their Lordships' approval it was published, and may be
found at the end of *'The North American Pilot,
London, 1775," together with other maps, some of
which are Cook's work. At the commencement of the
book is a letter from Cook to the compiler of the
volume, congratulating him on the collection, and
referring to the fact that some of the charts contain his
work — but he does not lay claim to any special ones.
On Saunders' chart of the St Lawrence there is a long
note which concludes as follows : ''The distances between
Isle Coudre and Isle of Orleans, the Pillar Rocks and
Shoals in the south channel were accurately determined
by triangles. The other parts of this chart were taken
from the best French Draughts of this River." It is
doubtful if this triangulation could have been carried
out by Cook during his passage up and then down the
river, the only time h'e had in 1759, but if it was, it
argues much greater knowledge of nautical surveying
than he was supposed to have acquired at that time.

During the winters that the Northumberland stayed in
Halifax Harbour, Cook employed his spare time in im-
proving his knowledge of all subjects that would be
of service to him in his profession. He read Euclid

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IV.] FRENCH ATTACK ON NEWFOUNDLAND 55

for the first time, and entered upon a study of the
higher mathematics, especially devoting himself to
astronomy. King in his sketch of Cook's life says,
on the authority of the man himself, that these studies
were carried on '^ without any other assistance than
what a few books and his own industry afforded him."

At the opening of the season. Lord Colville dispersed
his squadron to those stations where their services
appeared most required, and remained with his ship
in Halifax till the following year, as it was considered
inadvisable to leave such an important naval post open
to attack from the neighbouring French settlements, or
the Spaniards with whom England was then at war,
as he had been advised by despatches dated 26th
December 1761. During this period of waiting the
words ''nothing remarkable" are in constant use in
Captain Adams's Journal.

At length this period of inaction was ended. Captain
Charles Douglas, of the Syren, who was cruising off
Cape Race, received information that a squadron of
four French ships of the line, having on board some
1,500 picked troops, had made a descent on the island
of Newfoundland, and had captured St John's, the
capital, which had been most shamefully neglected,
and its garrison reduced to 63 men. The Grammontj
sloop of 22 guns, was unfortunately in harbour at
the time, and was also taken. Douglas at once
pressed two English merchant vessels into the service,
and putting a petty officer in command of one, a brig
named the William, and his master in command of
the other, a sloop named the Bonetta, despatched them
to cruise in search of Captain Graves, the reappointed
Governor of Newfoundland, who was daily expected
from England. The Bonetta soon fell in with the
Antelope, Captain Graves's ship, and she immediately
joined Douglas, and they proceeded to strengthen the
Isle of Boys as far as time would allow. Then going

56 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap.

to Placentia, a place of as much importance as St John's,
and more capable of defence, they set about making
preparations to beat off any attack, leaving a garrison
of 99 men and as many marines as could be spared.
Captain Graves despatched Douglas with the remainder
of the marines of the Syren to take possession of Ferry-
land, and sent off the ship with letters to Lord Colville,
but the brig William having missed the Antelope, made
the best of her way to Halifax, and brought the first
news of what had occurred to the commander-in-chief.

Lord Colville at once sent word to General Amherst,
who was in command of the British forces on the
Continent, asking him to forward what troops he could
spare, and then started in the Northumberland, accom-
panied by the Gosport, and an armed colonial vessel
named the King George, 20 guns, to cruise off the
Newfoundland coast and endeavour to prevent the
arrival of French reinforcements or supplies. He met
Graves at Placentia on 14th August, and landed the
marines he could spare, afterwards continuing his cruise.

General Sir Jeffrey Amherst made all the haste he
could in collecting every spare man from New York,
Halifax, and Louisburg, placed them under the
command of his brother. Colonel William Amherst,
ordering him to use every possible despatch, with the
result that they were able to join Lord Colville on
1 2th September off Cape Spear, and to land on the
13th at a place called Torbay, some three leagues
north of St John's. They drove in the French out-
ports and took possession of a small harbour named
Quidi Vidi, which had been blocked at the entrance
by the French, cleared it out, landed their stores and
some artillery, advanced on St John's, and on the 17th
compelled its surrender, notwithstanding that it had
been greatly strengthened. Captain Graves reported :
**The French had put St John's in a better state of
defence than we ever had it in."

IV.] ESCAPE OF FRENCH FLEET 57

On the i6th a strong gale blew the English ships
some distance off the coast and was followed by a
thick fog, during which the French squadron managed
to tow out of the harbour, and were in such a hurry
to get away that they did not stop to pick up their boats
but at once made sail, and in the morning were so far
out of reach that, though some of them were seen by
the British, it was not realised that they could be the
French escaping from a squadron inferior in strength.
Lord Colville's account to the Admiralty is as follows :

''The 15th, it being strong from the E. to E.S.E.,
with thick rainy weather. In the evening the wind
shifted to the westward, light breezes and thick fog.
At six next morning it being calm with a great swell,
we saw from the masthead, but could not bring them
down no lower than halfway to topmast shrouds, four
sail bearing S.S.E., distance 7 leagues. We lost
sight about seven, though very clear, and sometime
after a small breeze springing up from the S.W.
quarter, I stood towards Torbay in order to cover the
shallops that might be going from thence to Kitty
Vitty" (Quidi Vidi). ''In the afternoon I received a
note from Colonel Amherst acquainting me that the
French fleet got out last night. Thus after being
blocked up in St John's Harbour for three weeks by
a squadron of equal number, but smaller ships with
fewer guns and men, M. de Ternay made his escape
in the night by a shameful flight. I beg leave to
observe that not a man in the squadron imagined the
four sail, when we saw them, were the enemy ; and
the pilots were of opinion that they must have had
the wind much stronger than with us to overcome the
easterly swell in the harbour's mouth. I sent the
King George as far as Trepassy to bring me intelligence
if the enemy should steer towards Placentia ; and I
directed Captain Douglas of the Syren to get the
transports moved from Torbay, a very unsafe road,
to the Bay of Bulls."

The French fleet must have narrowly escaped falling
in with a second English squadron which, on the receipt

58 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap.

of information in England that an expedition had been
sent from France to Newfoundland, was immediately
despatched, under the command of Captain Palliser,
to the assistance of the colony, and arrived at St
John's on 20th September, only four days after the
flight of M. de Ternay.

Whilst the movements leading up to the recapture of
St John's were being carried on, communication between
Lord Colville and Colonel Amherst was kept up by
the boats of the fleet under the charge of the third
lieutenant of H.M.S. Gosport, Mr James Cook, formerly
Master of H.M.S. Mercury, who performed this duty
to the complete satisfaction of his Lordship as signified
in his despatches to the Admiralty. From this it
appears absolutely certain that the two namesakes
met here even if they had not done so previously in
Halifax. The Captain of the Gosport at this time was
John Jervis, afterwards created Lord St Vincent.

Entering St John's Harbour on 19th September, the
flagship remained till 7th October, during which time
Cook was very busily employed in assisting to place the
island in a better state of defence. In a despatch of
Lord Colville's, dated Spithead, 25th October 1762, he
says :

^^I have mentioned, in another letter, that the
fortifications on the Island of Carbonera were entirely
destroyed by the enemy. Colonel Amherst sent thither
Mr Desbarres, an engineer, who surveyed the island
and drew a plan for fortifying it with new works : when
these are finished the Enterprise's six guns will be ready
to mount on them. But I believe nothing will be
undertaken this year as the season is so far advanced,
and no kind of materials on the spot for building
barracks or sheds to cover the men, should any be
sent there. Mr Cook, Master of the Northumberland,
accompanied Mr Desbarres. He has made a draught
of Harbour Grace and the Bay of Carbonera, both of
which are in a great measure commanded by the Island,

i

rv.] DISCHARGE FROM NORTHUMBERLAND 59

which lies ofif a point of land between them. Hitherto
we have had a very imperfect knowledge of these places,
but Mr Cook, who was particularly careful in sounding
them, has discovered that ships of any size may lie
in safety both in Harbour Grace and the Bay of
Carbonera."

Mr Desbarres's design for the fortification of Car-
bonera, drawm by John Chamberlain, dated 7th April
1763, is to be found in the British Museum. The
island had originally been put in a good state of defence
by the English, but no garrison was sent there, as
the colonials had undertaken to defend it, but when
the time came, not one of them appeared, though
Captain Graves was of opinion that it might easily have
been rendered almost impregnable. The French, find-
ing it unoccupied, completely destroyed the works. Mr
Desbarres was afterwards appointed Governor of Cape
Breton.

On the return of H.M.S. Northmnberland to England
where she arrived on 24th October at Spithead, her
Master, Mr James Cook, was discharged. The muster
roll gives no clue to the reason of his leaving, but
merely notes ^^ superseded " on nth November, and
the pay-sheet gives the deductions from his wages as :
'' Chest, £2, IS. od. Hospital, £1, os. 6d." Threepence
in the £y £2,, 14s. Qd., and leaves him a balance due of
;^29i, 19s. 3d.

The following letter, from Lord Colville to the
Secretary to the Admiralty, shows the estimation in
which he was held by his immediate superiors, and
would doubtless have its weight when the appointment
of a man to execute ''greater undertakings" came
under the consideration of their Lordships.

" London, 30/// December 1762.
u Sir _Mr Cook, late Master of the Northumberland,
acquaints me that he has laid before their Lordships

6o 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap.

all his draughts and observations relating to the River
St Lawrence, part of the coast of Nova Scotia, and of
Newfoundland.

*'On this occasion I beg to inform their Lordships
that from my experience of Mr Cook's genius and
capacity, I think him well qualified for the work he has
performed and for greater undertakings of the same
kind. These draughts being made under my own eye,
I can venture to say they may be the means of directing
many in the right way, but cannot mislead any. — I am,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

**COLVILLE."

The survey of the ^^part of the coast of Nova
Scotia" was probably made whilst the Northumberland
lay in Halifax Harbour in 1761 and the early part of the
summer of 1762.

Before the close of the year 1762, Cook took upon
himself further responsibilities as set forth in the
following entry to be found in the register of the Parish
Church of Little Barking, Essex :

*^ James Cook of y^ Parish of St Paul, Shadwell,
in ye County of Middlesex, Bachelor, and Elizabeth
Batts, of ye Parish of Barking in y^ County of Essex,
Spinster, were married in this church by y^ Archbishop
of Canterbury's licence, this 21st day of December, one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, by George
Downing,

** Vicar of Little Barking Essex ^

Besant, who obtained his information from one who
knew her personally, her second cousin, Canon Bennett,
speaks most highly of Mrs Cook's mental qualities and
personal appearance, and says the union appears to
have been a very happy one. It covered in all a period
of about sixteen years ; but taking into consideration his
continued and often protracted absences, Cook's home
life in reality extended to little more than four, and
during the remainder, Mrs Cook must have been often
for months, sometimes years, without even hearing of

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CERTIFIED COPY OF CERTIFICATE OF MARRIAGE OF CAPTAIN COOK.

Taken from the Register of St Margaret's, Barking, Essex.

From the Whitby Collection.

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IToface p. 6o.

This signature is unusual ; ordinarily he wrote Jams, not Jas-

IV.] MRS COOK

6t

the existence of her husband. Her family were in a
fairly well-to-do position, her grandfather, Mr Charles
Smith, was a currier in Bermondsey ; her cousin, also
Charles Smith, was a watch- and clock-maker of repute
in Bunhill Row. Her mother, Mary Smith, was
married twice, her first husband being John Batts of
Wapping, and the second, John Blackburn of Shadwell.
It appears that Miss Batts, from the marriage register,
was residing at Barking, perhaps with relations, and it
may be that she first met Cook when on a visit to her
mother, who was living in Shadwell at that time, and
Cook is described as of that parish. The engagement
must have been a very short one, for from the time of
his joining the Navy in 1755, when the future Mrs
Cook was a girl of fourteen years of age, to his return
from Newfoundland in 1762, his time on shore had been
very short, and with the exception, perhaps, of a few
days between leaving the Eagle and joining the Solebay^
and again between leaving the latter ship and joining
the Pembroke^ none of his time was spent in London or
its neighbourhood.

It has been stated that Cook was godfather to his
future wife, and that at her baptism vowed that when
she grew up he would marry her. The origin of this
fable it is impossible to trace, but it is hardly necessary
to say it is absolutely ridiculous. Miss Batts was born in
Wapping in 1741, and under usual conditions would be
baptized within a few days of her birth, and at this time
her future husband was either attending Mr Pullen's
school at Ayton, or more probably, assisting his father
on Airy Holme Farm in Cleveland, a district he never
left till 1746, five years after Miss Batts' birth.

After the marriage, Mr and Mrs James Cook lived
for a time in Shadwell, and then removed to Mile End
Old Town, where Cook purchased a house, which was
their home till after his death. This house was left to
his wife by his will, dated 14th June 1776, and proved

62 i'jS(^-i'j62—llM.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chaimv.

in London, 24th January 1780. The following is the
extract referring to it :

** I give to my dear and loving wife, Elizabeth Cook,
all my Freehold Messuage Tenements and Premises,
with the appurtenances wherein I now dwell, situate
and being in Mile End Old Town, in the County of
Middlesex, for the term of her natural life, and after
her decease, I give the same to all my children.'*

Sir W. Besant gives the present number of the
house as 88 Mile End Road.

Cook's Alms-houses in Mile End, sometimes
connected with Captain Cook, had nothing whatever to
do with him, but were founded by a Captain James
Cook and Dame Alice Rowe, who, in 1673 left a sum of
money with which four houses, containing eight rooms,
were built for the use of poor seamen and widows.
Dame Alice Rowe was buried in Stepney churchyard
in 1703.

CHAPTER V

1 763-1 767 — NEWFOUNDLAND

The commission as Governor of Newfoundland was
again renewed to Captain Thomas Graves, afterwards
created Lord Graves for his distinguished conduct on
*'the glorious first of June," when, as second in
command to Lord Howe, he led the van against the
French off Ushant. His province was greatly enlarged
for, in addition to Newfoundland, it now included
Labrador from Hudson's Straits to the St John River,
the Island of Anticosti, other small islands off the
Labrador coast, and the Madeline Islands in the Gulf
of St Lawrence. He had early recognised the necessity
of having a thorough survey of his territory completed
(it had been commenced as far back as 17 14, by Captain
Taverner, but only carried on in a desultory fashion),
and therefore made an application to the Board of
Trade, which resulted in the following " Representa-
tion " from the Board to His Majesty, dated 29th March
1763, to be found in the Shelborne MSS.

**Mr Graves having represented to us that the
imperfect Returns hitherto made by the Governors of
Newfoundland have been chiefly owing to their want of
a Secretary, Surveyor, or other Person, capable of
collecting Information, keeping regular accounts and
making Draughts of Coasts and Harbours, for which
services there has never been any allowances, and that
such assistance is now become still more necessary to
the Governor of Newfoundland, by the enlargement
of his Government, and his instructions to report as

63

64 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

accurately as he can the conditions, fisherys, and other
material particulars of a country at present little known.
We beg leave to humbly submit to your Majesty,
whether it may not be expedient that such an allowance
should be made."

Graves had evidently seen, the previous year, that
such assistence was necessary, and very probably from
having had Cook's work at Harbour Grace and
Carbonera before him, recognising his fitness for the
position, had made up his mind to secure his services.
He would be supported by the knowledge that the
Admiralty already had of Cook's work, and by the
favourable reports of Lord Colville and others. In any
case the above representation must have at once been
acted on, for in the Records Office there is this hurried
note from Captain Graves to Mr Stephens, Secretary to
the Admiralty, dated '' Tuesday, noon (probably 5th
April), 1763."

^* Captain Graves' compliments wait upon Mr
Stephens and beg to know what final answer he
shall give to Mr Cook, late Master of the Northumber-
land^ who is very willing to go out to survey the
Harbours and Coasts of Labradore and the Draughtsman
he was to get from the Tower, as they both wait to know
their Lordships' resolution and the footing they are to be
upon. I beg to know also whether a schoolmaster be
allowed a fourth rate, as I am informed of a good
draughtsman who is willing to go upon that footing,
he is with Captain Dennis in the Bellona'^

Again, on the 6th April, he wrote to Mr Stephens :

<*Sir, — I have this moment seen Mr Cook and
acquainted him he was to get himself ready to depart, the
moment the Board was pleased to order him, and that
he was to have 10 shil^- a day while employed on this
service. He has been to enquire for a draughtsman
at the Tower, but as this is a Holiday, he found hardly
anyone there. There are some who draw there at

v.] ARRANGEMENTS FOR DRAUGHTSMEN 65

IS. 6d. a day, and others who have two shillings a day.
One of which last establishment he wants to have and
is assured the Board will continue any such person
who chuses to go, on their establishment upon applica-
tion from your office made for them.

*' It is from this {^^g^f } they always send Draughtsmen
with Engineers or Commanding officers who go abroad.
The additional pay they require from your office Mr
Cook will acquaint you to-morrow as soon as he can
see them and propose their going.

** If he does not find their conditions to come within
their own office establishment, I have desired him to
advertise for a Draughtsman and acquaint you by letter
with the terms he can bring them to and wait your
commands, as to the hiring any such and as to the time
of his setting out for the ship.

*' There should be a Theodolite and drawing instru-
ments, which will cost about ;£"i2 or ;£'i5, and is a
thing the ordnance always allow their people. The
officers of the yard should be ordered to supply me
with two or three azimuth compasses and a number of
pendants of any colour to put as signals on different
points for taking the angles as the survey goes on.
I shall set out this afternoon for the ship and hope
to be there by to-morrow. — I am, Sir, etc., etc.,

*< Thomas Graves."

The hurried departure of Captain Graves to his
ship was owing to the spirit of discontent, in some
cases amounting to open mutiny, at that time very rife
in His Majesty's Service, and developing in a very
threatening manner on board the Antelope during her
captain's absence in London. On his arrival, however,
he soon placed things on a better footing, and by
promises of judicious reforms, which he saw were
properly carried out, and by quietly replacing some few
of the most dangerous of the malcontents with reliable
men, he was very shortly able to report himself ready
for sea with a complete and fairly contented crew. On
the 15th, Graves wrote to Mr Stephens, asking if there
was ''any change of resolution taken about Mr Cook,

66 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

the Master, and an assistant for him, and whether they
are to go out with me?" On the i8th he again writes,
saying that he had been informed whilst in London
that he was to receive orders to purchase two small
vessels of about 60 tons each, when he arrived in
Newfoundland, one of which ^*to send with Mr Cook
upon the surveys of the coast and harbours," but he
was afraid that the orders had been forgotten. He
concludes by saying: *'The sending out a Draughts-
man to survey the Harbours seems to point out the
necessity of their having a small vessel fit to use on
that business." He also adds a postscript asking for
leads, lines, compasses, drawing - tables, etc., to be
supplied to Cook from the stores.

With regard to the surveying instruments, etc.,
required, Cook had already made application in proper
form, and had been instructed to purchase some of them,
and to transmit the bills to their Lordships, whilst the
remainder were to be supplied to him from the Govern-
ment Stores.

On 19th April received his orders as follows :

**Sir, — My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty,
having directed Captain Graves, of His Majesty's Ship,
the Antelope^ at Portsmouth, to receive you on board and
carry you to Newfoundland in order to your taking a
Survey of Part of the Coast and Harbours of that Island.
I am commanded by their Lordships to acquaint you
therewith : that you must repair immediately on board
the said ship, she being under sailing orders, that you
are to follow such orders as you shall receive from Cap^-
Grave relative to the said service and that you will be
allowed Ten shillings a day during the time you are
employed therein. — I am, etc. etc., Philip Stephens."

** Mr James Cook, Town.

*^ Mr William Test, Tower, to be paid 6s. per day."

On 8th May Captain Graves wrote acknowledging
the receipt of the orders he had asked for on the iSth

v.] SURVEYING ARRANGEMENTS 67

ultimo, and at the same time announced that Mr Cook
had joined the ship, but that the assistant, Mr Test,
had not been heard of; he therefore suggested that
he should endeavour to obtain some other person who
was qualified to fill the position. In reply, Mr Stephens
wrote that a difficulty had arisen with the Board of
Ordnance about Mr Test's pay ; they were not inclined
to continue it to him as they would be obliged to put
some one else in his place during his absence, and since
hearing this from the Board, the Admiralty had had no
communication from Mr Test. Captain Graves was
therefore authorised to fill the vacancy and to make a
suitable allowance ; he then secured the services of Mr
Edward Smart, who sailed from Plymouth in H.M.S.
Spy^ and joined Cook in Newfoundland.

In his letter of 8th May, Captain Graves says :

'^The first employment I shall give Mr Cook, will
be to survey St Pierre's and Miquelon, before my
getting there to surrender those islands ; to this end it
would have been very convenient that one of the sloops
had been ready to sail with me, who might have been
detached to perform this service, whilst I made some
stay upon the coast to afford them the proper time before
the surrender of those Islands to the French."

These two islands, which are in close proximity to
the southern coast of Newfoundland, had been ceded
to France by the treaty of Utrecht, and the cession was
confirmed by the treaty of Paris ; the possession of the
islands carried with it certain rights of fishing and
curing on the coasts of Newfoundland, and these rights
and the possession of the islands have remained in the
hands of the French till the present day a constant
cause of irritation to the fishermen of both nations ;
but at length, the question of the fishing rights has
been satisfactorily arranged. The Earl of Bute is said
to have included the clause concerning these islands
and rights in the treaty, and public rumour declared

68 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

that he had received the sum of ;^300,ooo for permitting
it to stand as part of the treaty. It was specially
stipulated that the islands were not to be fortified, and
that the number of the garrison was to be strictly
limited to a small number of troops for police duty
only, but even at the very commencement of the peace,
it was one continual struggle to evade the terms of the
treaty by the one side, and to enforce them by the other,
without at the same time coming to an actual rupture.

According to his expressed intention, Captain
Graves, on his arrival at St John's, despatched Captain
Charles Douglas with the Tweedy to superintend the
removal of the British settlers from the two islands,
and Cook accompanied him with orders to press
on the survey as rapidly as possible, in order that it
might be completed before the arrival of the French.
Unfortunately, M. d'Anjac, who was charged with the
duty of receiving the islands on behalf of the French
king, arrived off the islands on the same day as the
Tweed. Captain Douglas refused to permit the French
to land until the islands had been formally handed over
by his superior officer, and by a little judicious pro-
crastination in communicating with Captain Graves,
and by persistent energy on the part of Cook in
conducting the survey, sufficient time was gained to
complete it. Graves writing to the Admiralty on 20th
October 1763, says :

*^ Meanwhile the survey went on with all possible
application on the part of Mr Cook. At length, Mons.
d'Anjac's patience being quite exhausted, I received a
letter from him on the 30th of June, of which I enclose
a copy together with my answer returned the same day.
This conveyance brought me a letter from Captain
Douglas, expressing his uneasiness on the part of
Mons. d'Anjac and pressing to receive his final instruc-
tions, and at the same time gave me the satisfaction to
learn St Peters' was completely surveyed, Miquelon
begun upon and advanced so as to expect it would be

v.] COOK'S POSITION

69

finished before the French could be put in possession ;
so that any interruption from them was no longer to be
apprehended."

An extract, said to be from a Journal of Cook's in the
Shelburne MSS., gives a short description of these
islands, and conveys the impression that Cook looked
upon them as absolutely worthless as either naval or
military stations, but still Captain Graves's successor,
Palliser, was kept constantly on the alert to defeat the
efforts of the French to strengthen their position.

After the official handing over of the islands. Cook
was engaged surveying several different places which
the Admiralty had specially marked out, and was borne
on the book of either the Antelope or Tweedy as might
be convenient. He is to be found on the latter ship
entered for victuals only as ^^ Mr James Cook, Engineer,
and Retinue." As the dates often overlap each other
it is rather difficult to place him, but he was in the
neighbourhood of St John's for some two months, and
on 5th November, was discharged from the Antelope into
the Tweedy with Mr Smart, for the passage to England,
where he remained till the spring of the following year.
On 4th January, the Lords of the Admiralty ordered
that he and Mr Smart were to be paid their allowances
of I OS. and 6s. per day respectively, up to the 31st of
the preceding month. Ten shillings per day was the
same allowance as was made to the Commander of a
Squadron, so Cook's position, looked at from a financial
point of view^, must have been considered one of
importance. It was apparently superior to that of a
Master surveying under the directions of the Governor,
for in a report that Captain Palliser, when Governor
of Newfoundland, gives of an interview between the
French Ambassador and himself in London in 1767,
on the subject of the fisheries, he states that he produced
Cook's chart, and decided the question of the rights of
France to the use of Belle Isle for fishing purposes

70 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

against the Ambassador by its means, and speaks of
Cook, officially, as **the King's Surveyor."

In 1764 Captain Palliser was appointed to succeed
Captain Graves as Governor of Newfoundland and at
once set aside the schooner Grenvilky which Graves had
used as a despatch boat, for the use of the survey party
solely. She had been manned by the ships on the
station, but on Palliser's advice the Admiralty wrote as
follows to the Navy Board :

" 13M April 1764.

^* Gentlemen, — Captain Palliser, who is to have the
command of His Majesty's ships and vessels, which are
to be employed this year upon the coasts of Newfound-
land having represented to us that the present method of
manning the Grenville schooner from the commanding
officer's ship without a proper person to take the
charge and command of her, is attended with many
inconveniences, and he having therefore proposed that
she may have a complement of men established upon
her, sufficient to navigate her to England when the
season for surveying the coast of Newfoundland is over,
in order that she may be properly refitted and sent out
early in the spring, instead of being laid up at St
John's, and waiting for stores from England, whereby
a great deal of time is lost. We do hereby desire and
direct you to cause the said schooner to be established
with a complement of ten men, consisting of a Master,
a Master's Mate, one servant to the Master, and seven
seamen ; the Master and Master's Mate to be allowed
the pay of a sixth rate, and the former to be charged
with the provisions and stores, which shall from time to
time be supplied to the schooner and to pass regular
accounts for the same. — We are, your affectionate
friends,

Egmont. Howe.

G. Hay. Digby.

Carysfort.

'' The Navy Board:'

On 2nd May Mr Stephens wrote to Captain Palliser
informing him that Cook had been appointed Master of

v-l COOK AND PALLISER 7,

the Grenville in order to carry out such surveys as Palliser
might think necessary, and as soon as the season was
over, he was to be ordered with his ship to Portsmouth,
and to transmit his '* Charts and Draughts" to the
Admiralty. On receipt of this letter, Palliser wrote at
once to Cook, and his communication is know^n to be
in private hands, together with some autograph copies
of letters written by Cook having reference to the
Grenville^ a receipt for her husband's pay signed by
Mrs Cook, and some other papers of interest relating
to his voyages ; but the owners have refused permission
for them to be inspected although willing to sell.

It would appear that it was at this period the friend-
ship between Palliser and Cook really commenced, for,
previously, there can have been no opportunity for the
former to have known anything of Cook's personality.
As Captain of a man-of-war he would see nothing of a
Master's Mate and know nothing of him except that he
did his duty or not, as the case might be, and when
at length his attention was specially called to him by
outside influence, he was quickly withdrawn from his
sphere of knowledge. When they again came in
contact Cook had already made a mark for himself. It
is very evident that if Palliser had been Cook's friend, as
Kippis represents (as he says on the authority of Palliser
himself), he would have known more of Cook's early
days in the Navy, and would not have made statements
to Kippis, which are so easily proved to be incorrect,
and in which, unfortunately, the latter has been followed
by others.

Cook received his formal instructions on 23rd April,
and was at the same time told that as he had expressed
a doubt about being able to get suitable men in Ports-
mouth, he would be provided with conduct money and
the free carriage of chests and bedding for those he
could raise in London, and that they would be trans-
ferred to Portsmouth in the Trent, Mr William Parker

72 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

was appointed Master's Mate of the Grenville^ and the
company left Portsmouth on 7th May in H.M.S. Lark^
arriving in St John's on 14th June. They took posses-
sion of their ship the same day, and the first entry in the
Grenville's log is as follows :

** June 14th, 1764, St John's Newfoundland. The first
and middle parts moderate and hazy W^" the Later foggy.
At I P.M. His Majesty's Ship the Lark anchored here
from England, on board of which came the Master and
the Company of this Schooner. Went on board and
took possession of Her. Read over to the crew the
Master's Warrant, Articles of War, and Abstract of
the late Act of Parliament."

After getting the guns and stores on board, and fitting
the Grenville for her new duties, they left St John's on
4th July to start the survey of the northern portion of
the island. A base line was laid out at Noddy's
Harbour, and the latitude of Cape Norman was found
to be 51° 39' N. ; soundings were taken every mile. On
3rd August Cook left the ship in the cutter to continue
his work, but had to return on the 6th, having met with
a serious accident. It seems he had a large powder
horn in his hand, when, by some means not stated,
the powder ignited, and the horn *'was blown up and
burst in his hand, which shattered it in a terrible
manner, and one of the people which was hard by
suffered greatly by the same accident." The Grenville
sailed at once for Noddy's Harbour, where there was
a French ship which had a doctor on board, and
arriving there at eleven o'clock the same day, secured
medical advice. Those who have suffered from a
shattered wound can imagine the pain that Cook must
have endured during the time that elapsed before he
could receive attention, and that attention when received
was probably of a very rough nature, according to
more modern ideas ; for the art of surgery as practised
at that time, especially on board ship, was of a very

v.] COOK'S ACCIDENT 73

heroic nature : a glass of spirits the only anodyne, and
boiling pitch the most reliable styptic in amputations.

In reference to this accident, the Lords of the
Admiralty wrote to Lord Halifax quoting from a letter
they had received from Captain Palliser, dated 14th
November 1764 :

^^ Mr Cook, the surveyor, has returned. The accident
to him was not so bad as it was represented. Nor had
it interrupted his survey so much as he (Captain Palliser)
expected. He continued on the coast as long as the
season would permit, and has executed his survey in
a manner which, he has no doubt, will be satisfactory
to their Lordships. I have ordered him to proceed to
Woolwich to refit his vessel for the next season and
to lay before the Board, Draughts of his surveys with
all his remarks and observations that may be useful to
Trade and Navigation in those parts."

Palliser did not see Cook till some time after the
accident, when the worst was over, and it is quite
in keeping with the latter's character to minimise
his sufferings, and to insist on the work being kept
going as far as possible. Samwell relates that after
Cook's murder at Owyhee they were enabled to identify
his hand by the scar which he describes as *' dividing
the thumb from the finger the whole length of the
metacarpal bones."

Whilst Cook was laid up with his hand, and Mr
Parker was engaged with the survey, some of the
men were employed brewing, and either the brew was
stronger than usual or the officers' eye being off them
they indulged too freely, for, on 20th August, it is
noted that three men were confined to the deck for
drunkenness and mutinous conduct, and the next day
the ringleader was punished by being made to run
the ^^Gantelope."

On I St September Cook left the ship in the Bay of
St Genevieve, taking six days' provisions with him, and

74 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

ran roughly the course of several small rivers, noting the
principal landmarks. On their way to St John's, off
Point Ferrol, their small boat was dashed to pieces on
a ledge of rock, and its occupants were only saved
with great difficulty by the cutter, which by great good
fortune happened to be near. Whilst crossing the
Banks of Newfoundland, when on the way to England,
in November, a series of soundings were made, and
the nature of the bottom carefully noted.

On the arrival of the Grenville at Woolwich, Cook
pointed out to their Lordships that the completion of
his charts would necessitate his being a great deal
away from his ship, and he would thus be unable to
supervise everything that was done on board, so he
suggested that she should be sent up to Deptford yard.
This was at once agreed to, and Cook was able to
devote his whole time to his charts. His own work
on the coast had to be supplemented by the observa-
tions made on board the six men-of-war stationed in
Newfoundland waters, and their commanding officers
had received special instructions to take ample soundings
and careful observations, and to make charts which
were to be sent to Captain Palliser, who was informed
that he would be held responsible if these orders were
not carried out in their entirety. It is very certain
that orders so emphatically enforced on his notice
would not be allowed to remain a dead letter.

Whilst at Deptford, the rig of the Grenville was
altered from schooner to brig, as Cook thought that she
would thus be improved in her sailing qualities ; she
received a thorough overhaul, and was established with
**6 swivel guns, 12 Musquets, and powder and shot."
Her armament for the previous year having been
supplied from the flagship, of course had to be returned.
Her crew was also augmented to twenty, including a
midshipman and a carpenter's mate, paid as on board
a sixth rate. On 25th March 1765, she again left for

v.] GRENVILLE ON A ROCK 75

Newfoundland, arriving at St Lawrence Harbour on
2nd June to recommence her work. On 14th July,
whilst << moored in a bay by Great Garnish, we picked
up two men who had been lost in the woods for near a
month. They came from Barin, intending to go to
St Lawrence Harbour, and were almost perishing for
want of subsistence." Going into Long Harbour on
23rd July the Grenville ran on to a rock and remained
so fast that she had to be unloaded before she could be
moved, but by dint of hard work she was floated off
the next day, when she was found to have sustained
considerable damage to her forefoot. From the log of
the Grenville it appears that the survey was not carried
out continuously, and this is accounted for by the
Governor being called upon to settle disputes with the
French fishermen, who were apt to place the broadest
construction on the limitations of their rights of
fishing as laid down by the treaties.

During this year, Captain Debbieg and Captain
Lieutenant Basset, engineers, were engaged in survey-
ing the most important points and harbours with a
view to fortification, and Palliser was instructed to give
them every assistance in his power, and it is quite
possible Cook was sent on one or two occasions to help,
as they were in close proximity several times ; but there
is no positive record of his having done so. Amongst
the Shelborne MSS. there is a beautifully executed
chart of York or Chateaux Bay and Pitt's Harbour,
with a plan of a proposed fort ; it was made in 1766 and
is unsigned, but the handwriting is that of Captain
Debbieg. This bay is on the Labrador Coast.

Returning to St John's for her stores, the Grenville
sailed for England on 5th November in company with
Palliser's squadron, and anchored at Spithead on the
30th, and thence went to Deptford for the winter. In
February, Cook obtained permission from the Admiralty
to publish the charts of Newfoundland that he had

76 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

completed, and Captain Palliser, who made the applica-
tion, said he was of opinion they would ''be of great
encouragement to new adventurers on the fisheries
upon those coasts."

Leaving Deptford on 20th April 1766, the Grenville
arrived at Bon Bon Bay on ist June, and the survey of
the south-west and south coasts was at once proceeded
with. The Burgeo Islands, near Cape Ray, were
reached on 24th July, and on 5th August Cook carefully
observed an eclipse of the sun. He, on his return to
England at the end of the year, handed the results of
his observations to Dr Bevis, a prominent Fellow of
the Royal Society, who communicated them to that
body on 30th April 1767. The following is the extract
from ''The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal
Society " :

"Read 30th April 1767. An Observation of an
Eclipse of the Sun at the Island of Newfoundland, 5th
August 1766 by Mr James Cook, with the Longitude of
the place of Observation deduced from it. Com-
municated by J. Bevis, M.D., F.R.S.

"Mr Cook, a good mathematician, and very expert
in his business, having been appointed by the Lords
Commissioners of the Admiralty to survey the sea
coast of Newfoundland, Labrador, etc., took with him
a very good apparatus of instruments, and among
them a brass telescopic quadrant made by Mr John
Bird.

"Being, 5th August 1766, at one of the Burgeo
Islands near Cape Ray, Latitude 47^ 36' 19", the South-
west extremity of Newfoundland, and having carefully
rectified his quadrant, he waited for the eclipse of the
sun : just a minute after the beginning of which he
observed the zenith distance of the sun's upper limb,
31° 57' 00"; and allowing for refraction and his semi-
diameter, the true zenith distance of the sun's centre
32° 13' 30'', from whence he concluded the eclipse to
have begun at o^ 46' 48'' apparent time, and by a like
process to have ended at 3^ 45' 26'' apparent time.

"N.B. — There were three several observers, with

v.]

ECLIPSE OF THE SUN

77

good telescopes, who all agreed as to the moment of
beginning and ending.

'' Mr Cook having communicated his observation to
me, I shewed it to Mr George Witchell, who told me
he had a very exact observation of the same eclipse
taken at Oxford by the Rev. Mr Hornsby ; and he
would compute, from the comparison, the difference of
longitude of the places of observation, making due
allowance for the effect of parallax, and the earth's
prolate spheroidal figure ; and he has since given me
the following results :

5^ 23' 59'' beginn at Oxford,
o^ 46' 48'' beginn at Borgeo
Island.

7^ 7' 5" end at Oxford.
3^ 29' 14" end at Borgeo
Island.

4^ 3/ II" 3^ 27' 51"

- 51' 59'' effect of paral- + 17' 35" effect of paral-
lax, etc. lax, etc.

3 45' 22''diff. of meridians

3 45' j6'' diff. of meri-
dians.

Sigd. J. Bevis."

I

There is no reference to the eclipse in the log of the
Grenville^ but it appears that Cook was particularly
favoured by the weather in obtaining his observations,
as the five days previous to the 5th are described as
^* foggy," and the four or five days succeeding are
''raining with squalls." This observation was a most
fortunate one for Cook, as it brought him to the
favourable notice of a body of eminent men, the Royal
Society, outside his own profession, which was, a little
later, able to advance his interests, and afterwards to
admit him into its own ranks as an ornament of which
it is still proud.

On the 4th November he left St John's for his
winter quarters at Deptford, and the log ends on 24th
November with '' Dungeness light N.E. by E. 2 miles."
Mr Parker, his assistant, was promoted to a lieutenancy

7S i763-i767-~NEWFOUNDLAND [chaf.

on their return, and in accordance with a recommenda-
tion from Captain Palliser, Mr Michael Lane, school-
master of the Guernsey^ who had joined the Navy from
the Bluecoat School, and who had previously been
mentioned by Captain Graves for the position, took his
place.

On 5th April 1767, the Grenville had completed her
refit, warped out of dock, and was lying at anchor
waiting for the tide to turn in order to drop down to
Woolwich, when the Three Sisters^ a Sunderland collier,
Thomas Boyd, Master, *^fell athwart her hawse and
carried away her bowsprit, cap, and jibboom," which
had to be replaced. The story is, that this accident
happened to the Endeavour^ and that Mr Cook, who
was naturally very indignant, sent for the offending
Master of the collier, in order to give him a good
rating for his carelessness in running foul of one of
His Majesty's ships ; but when he got him on board,
he found that he was an old schoolfellow of the Ayton
days, and instead of giving him a good blowing-up, took
him down into his cabin, and, treating him to the best
he had on board, spent '* a good time " talking over the
old days when they were boys together. The latter
part of the story may be true, but the name of the
ship has been mistaken.

On 8th April 1767, her repairs being completed,
the Grenville sailed for Newfoundland, sighting Cape
Race on 9th May, and Cook at once got to work on
the survey of the west coast, and in September, being
off the mouth of the Humber, he landed and made a
rapid survey of that river, discovering several lakes,
and getting a good general idea of that part of the
country. He was away from his ship for five days.

On 14th October he returned to St John's Harbour
for the last time, having practically completed the
survey of the general run of the coast, and added
very considerably to the knowledge of some of the

v.] GRENVILLE ASHORE yg

interior parts of the island. In 1762, Kitchen published
a map compiled from the latest available information,
and on it is the note : *^The inland parts of this island
are entirely unknown." Cook is said to have discovered
valuable coal seams, but there is no note of anything
of the kind amongst his records of the island.

He sailed for England on 23rd October and on nth
November anchored in very heavy weather, off the
Nore ; it was found that the anchors would not hold,
and at length one parted and she ''trailed into shallow
water," striking very hard. After a while she again
struck very heavily, and ' ' lay down on her larboard
bilge." As there seemed no prospect of the gale
moderating, everything was made as snug as time
would permit, and, putting his crew into the boats.
Cook made for Sheerness. The weather at length
moderated, so obtaining assistance he returned to his
ship, and found that fortunately she had sustained but
little damage. Next day she was successfully floated,
and they got her up to Deptford yards on the following
Sunday, 15th November, without further accident, and
Cook was able to set to work to prepare his charts
for publication.

Captain Palliser wrote to Mr Stephens on the subject
on 3rd February 1768:

**SiR, — Mr Cook, appointed by the Right Honourable
my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, to survey
the sea coast of Newfoundland and Labrador, under my
direction, having finished his Chart of the South-east
Coast of Newfoundland, adjacent to the islands of St
Pierre, and including the said islands, and upon a large
scale of one inch to a mile, you will herewith receive the
said chart, which be pleased to lay before the Right
Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.

''He having also, the last year, delivered in to the
Board his survey of the Northern part of Newfoundland
upon the same scale, and having now prepared a chart
of that part, together with a chart of the opposite part

8o 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap.

of the coast of Labrador, including the Islands and
Straits of Belle Isle ; likewise, another of the above-
mentioned survey of a part of the South Coast of New-
foundland both upon a proper scale to be useful to
the Trade and Navigation of His Majesty's subjects ;
therefore, as a publication of the same, I am of opinion,
will be a great encouragement to new adventurers in
the fisheries upon these coasts, be pleased to move their
Lordships to permit Mr Cook to publish the same. — I
remain, etc., etc.,

''Hugh Palliser."

Some of these charts had been published in 1766,
and the remainder in response to this letter were now
authorised, together with sailing directions for the
south, and for the east coasts of the island. Writing
of these charts. Admiral Sir W. J. L. Wharton, the
late hydrographer to the Admiralty, says :

''The Charts he made during these years in the
schooner Grenville were admirable. The best proof of
their excellence is that they are not yet wholly superseded
by the more detailed surveys of modern times. Like all
first surveys of a practically unknown shore, and
especially when that shore abounds in rocks and shoals,
and is much indented with bays and creeks, they are
imperfect in the sense of having many omissions ; but
when the amount of the ground covered, and the
impediments of fogs and bad weather on that coast is
considered, and that Cook had at the most only one
assistant, their accuracy is truly astonishing."

On the publication of his charts. Cook's connection
with the island of Newfoundland was concluded, and
on 1 2th April 1768 Mr Lane was "appointed to act
as Master of the brig Grenville^ and surveyor of the
coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador in the absence
of Mr Cook, who is to be employed elsewhere." Mr
Lane was to be paid an allowance of five shillings per
diem over and above his pay as Master of the brig,
which was the same as that of a Master of a sixth rate.

v.] LAST NEWFOUNDLAND PAY 8i

Cook and Lane had both been paid their allowances up
to 31st December 1767, and on i6th June the Navy-
Board were ordered to pay Cook his allowance up to
the date of Lane's appointment, that is, till 12th April.
From the wording of Mr Lane's appointment, it is
evident that the surveyorship of Newfoundland was to
be left open for Cook on his return from his first voyage
if it was then thought to be desirable for him to resume
that duty.

CHAPTER VI

1768 — PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE

In writing of the first voyage of Cook to the South Seas,
authors were, till a few years ago, content to draw their
information from the so-called history written by Dr
Hawkesworth. This gentleman, introduced to Lord
Sandwich by Dr Charles Burney for the express
purpose, had facilities placed within his reach, which
no writer since his time could have had. He had
given into his charge all the papers belonging to the
Admiralty which related to the voyage, he had access
to the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, the Notes of Dr
Solander and others who accompanied the expedition,
and, more than all, he had the opportunity of personal
communication with the leaders of the party. Notwith-
standing these advantages, he, from his fondness for
what he was pleased to consider 'Miterary style,"
interpolated so much of his own speculations, con-
clusions, and dissertations as to render his voluminous
work not only extremely unreliable, but often extremely
ridiculous.

It has been recorded by travellers in the South Seas
that the accounts of things and places described as seen
by Cook, are remarkably correct ; but that the inferences
drawn are often very wrong. They do not seem to have
imagined the truth of the matter. The accurate state-
ments of facts are Cook's, whilst the deductions and
ornamentations were not only Hawkesworth's, but were
also strongly resented by Cook. Boswell, in his ^*Life

S2

CHAP. VI.] ROYAL SOCIETY'S COMMITTEE 83

of Dr Johnson " (having dined at Sir John Pringle's
on 2nd April 1776), says:

** I gave him," Johnson, ** an account of a conversa-
tion which had passed between me and Capt- Cook, the
day before, at Sir John Pringle's, and he was much
pleased with the conscientious accuracy of that cele-
brated circumnavigator, who set me right as to many of
the exaggerated accounts given by Dr Hawkesworth of
his voyages."

Cook's opinion on the subject may also be judged
from his determination in future to prepare his journals
for publication himself.

Within the last few years, however, the Journal of
Captain Cook has been published under the able super-
vision of the late Admiral Sir W. J. L. Wharton, and
the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, which for a long time
was missing, has been recovered and published by Sir
Joseph Hooker ; and these two books may be safely
preferred to all others that have been written on the
subject.

It had been calculated that in June 1769, a Transit
of Venus would occur, observations of which would be
of great importance to astronomical science, and several
of the European nations were intending to establish
points of observation, notably Russia, which had deter-
mined on no less than eight. The English Royal
Society decided that as this country had hitherto taken
a lead in astronomy she ought not now to fall behind.
A committee was therefore appointed on 12th November
1767, to consider and report on the places where it
would be advisable to take observations, the methods
to be pursued, and the persons best fitted to carry out
the work. This committee consisted of the Astronomer
Royal (Mr Nevil Maskelyne), Dr Bevis (who first
introduced Cook to the notice of the Society), Dr
Murdoch, Messrs Cavendish, Fergusson, Raper, Short,
and Captain John Campbell, R.N. This committee

84 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

advised that two observers should be sent to Hudson's
Bay, two to the South Pacific, and two to the North
Cape — provided that Sweden did not send to the latter
place. That the British Government should be asked
to supply a ship to convey the observers to the Islands
of Mendoza, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, or any other lying
between them in the South Seas that should be decided
on as the most desirable point of observation. Messrs
Mason, Dixon, Bradley, Dunn, Green, Dymond,
Dalrymple, and Wales were mentioned as observers,
and Captain Campbell was suggested as suitable for
the command of the ship. Mr Maskelyne especially
recommended Mr Dalrymple as *^a proper person to
send to the South Seas, having a particular turn for
discoveries, and being an able navigator and well skilled
in observation." The Council of the Society accepted
the recommendations of this committee, and the gentle-
men whose names had been mentioned were written
to, requesting them, if they were willing to accept,
to appear before the Council, that their destinations
and fees might be arranged. Dr Maskelyne estimated
that the southern voyage would take about two years,
and suggested that a sum of ten shillings and sixpence
per day would be a reasonable allowance for expenses,
and a gratuity, the amount of which was to be con-
sidered later, was to be given to each observer. The
following memorial to the King was also prepared
and duly forwarded to His Majesty :

*'To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty.

*' The Memorial of the President, Council and Fellows
of the Royal Society of London for Improving Natural
Knowledge humbly sheweth —

*^ That the passage of the Planet Venus over the Disc
of the Sun, which will happen on the 3^^^ of June in the
year 1769, is a phenomenon that must, if the same be

VI.] MEMORIAL TO THE KING

85

accurately observed in proper places, contribute greatly
to the improvement of Astronomy, on which Navigation
so much depends.

''That several of the Great Powers in Europe,
particularly the French, Spaniards, Danes and Swedes •
are making the proper dispositions for the Observation
thereof: and the Empress of Russia has given directions
for having the same observed in many different places of
her extensive Dominions.

''That the like appearance after the 3rd of June 1769
will not happen for more than 100 years.

"That as far as appears from the History of
Astronomy, Mr Jeremiah Horrox (an Englishman),
seems to have been the first person since the creation
of the World, who calculated the passage of the Planet
over the Sun's Disc, and observed the same at the
village of Hool, 15 miles northward from Liverpool, on
the 24th of November, O.S., in the year 1639.

" That the British Nation have been justly celebrated
in the learned world, for their knowledge of Astronomy,
in which they are inferior to no Nation upon Earth,
Ancient or Modern ; and it would cast dishonour upon
them should they neglect to have correct observations
made of this important phenomenon.

"That by neglecting to take the necessary precautions
in due time, the passage of the Planet in the year 1761
was not observed in some places from whence the
greatest advantages might have redounded to the
improvement of Astronomy.

"The Memorialists are humbly of opinion that
Spitzbergen or the North Cape, in the higher northern
latitudes ; Fort Churchill in Hudson's Bay ; and any
place not exceeding 30 degrees of Southern Latitude,
and between the 140^^ and 180^^ degrees of Longitude
West from Your Majesty's Royal Observatory in Green-
wich Park, would be proper stations for observing the
ensuing Transit, to each of which places two observers
ought to be sent.

"That a correct set of Observations made in a
Southern Latitude would be of greater importance
than many of those made in the Northern. But it
would be necessary that the Observers who are to pass
the Line, should take their departure from England
early in this Spring ; because it might be some time

86 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

before they could fix upon a proper place for making
the Observation within the limits required.

''That the expense of having the Observations
properly made in the places above specified, including
a reasonable gratification to the persons employed, and
furnishing them with such instruments as are still want-
ing, would amount to about 4,000 pounds, exclusive of
the expense of the ships which must convey and return
the Observers that are to be sent to the Southward of
the Equinoctial Line and to the North Cape.

"That the Royal Society are in no condition to
defray this expense, their annual income being scarcely
sufficient to carry on the necessary business of the
Society.

"The Memorialists, attentive to the true end for
which they were founded by Your Majesty's Royal Pre-
decessor, The Improvement of Natural Knowledge,
conceived it to be their duty to lay their sentiments
before Your Majesty with all humility, and submit the
same to Your Majesty's Royal Consideration."

In answer to this Memorial, the President of the
Royal Society was able, on the 24th March, to inform the
Council that the king had been graciously pleased to
order the sum of ;^4,ooo "clear of fees," to be placed
in his hands to defray the expenses of the expeditions of
observation. After the return of the expeditions, and
the payment of all accounts due, there was a con-
siderable balance left over, which the king placed at
the disposal of the Society ; and a portion of it was
expended on the bust of His Majesty, by Nollekins,
now in their possession.

Mr Dalrymple, on the receipt of the Secretary's letter
informing him that his name had been recommended as
one of the observers, replied that he would wait on the
Council at the time appointed, and that wherever he
might be, he would not let the opportunity slip of
taking an observation of such an important event as the
Transit of Venus ; but there was only one part of the
world where he would engage to make the observations

VI.] DALRYMPLE g^

for the Society, and that was in the Southern Seas ; and
he would not make the voyage at all ^'on any other
footing than that of having the management of the ship
intended for the service." At the meeting when the
President announced the king's gift to the Council, he
also stated that he had recommended Mr Dairy mple to
the Admiralty for the command of the vessel, the use of
which had been granted for the expedition to the South
Seas, but he had been informed by their Lordships that
such an appointment would be " entirely repugnant to
the regulations of the Navy." Mr Dalrymple, who
attended on the Council, persisted in his demand, and
it was therefore resolved ^*to consider of a proper
person at a future Council." It is said that Sir E.
Hawke, having in view the disastrous results of appoint-
ing Halley to the command of a King's ship in 1698,
when a mutiny occurred, positively refused to sign any
such commission, saying that he would rather cut off
his right hand than permit any one but a King's Officer
to command one of the ships of His Majesty's Navy.

Dalrymple had originally gone out to India as a
clerk in the Honourable East India Company's service,
but was not very successful in that role owing to his
bad handwriting. He then spent some years trading
amongst the islands of the Malay Archipelago, and
was in Canton in 1764. He returned to England and
published a couple of pamphlets on the East Indies,
and 1767 a book on the discoveries in the South Pacific
Ocean, which brought him to the notice of the Royal
Society. He afterwards turned his attention to hydro-
graphy ; was for a time hydrographer to the East India
Company, and was then appointed the first hydro-
grapher to the Admiralty, from which office he was
dismissed for exceeding his powers — and soon afterwards
died. He appears to have been a really clever man,
but of an extremely overbearing disposition, and with a
very strong appreciation of his own talents. In writing

88 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

to Dr Hawkesworth he says: "I never write on any
subject I do not thoroughly understand." He appears
never to have forgiven Cook for having been successful
in obtaining the command of the expedition to observe
the Transit of Venus, and also for upsetting his pet
theory of a large continent in the Southern Ocean.

On 5th March the Navy Board was instructed by
the Admiralty to propose a proper vessel in which to
convey the observers to the South Seas, and in
consequence, the Board first suggested the Tryal Sloop
and then the Rose^ but both these vessels were found to
be unsuitable ; and they were then ordered to purchase
a ship for the purpose. On 29th March they wrote to
Mr Stephens :

*^SiR, — In pursuance of the commands of the Right
Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty,
signified to us by your letter of the 21st inst., we desire
you will acquaint their Lordships that we have purchased
a cat-built Bark, in Burthen 368 Tuns and of the age of
three years and nine months, for conveying such persons
as shall be thought proper, to the Southward for making
observations of the passage of the planet Venus over the
Disk of the Sun, and pray to be favoured with their
Lordships' directions for fitting her for the service
accordingly, in which we presume it may be necessary
to sheath and fill her bottom, and prepare her for carry-
ing six or eight light carriage guns of Four pounds and
eight swivels as was proposed for the Tryal^ and in
other respects as the nature of the voyage may require.

'* And that we may also receive their commands by
what name she shall be Registered on the list of the
Navy. — We are. Sir, your very humble servants,

*'G. COKBURNE. ThQS- SlADE.

**J. Williams. E. Mason."

A ** cat-built " ship is described in the Encyclopedias
as one that has round bluff bows, a wide deep waist,
and tapering towards the stern. The name was derived
from the Norwegian '^ kati," a ship.

This cat-built bark, the now immortal Endeavour,

I

c

i

I

VI.] THE ENDEAVOUR BARK 89

was built by Messrs Fishburn of Whitby, and was
purchased from her owner, Mr William Milner of that
port. Dr Young says that her original name was the
Earl of Pembroke^ but Sir Evan Macgregor, writing to
Mr W. G. Waddington under date 2nd February
1888, says that she was purchased *' under the name
of the Endeavour ^ and was entered as a barque." The
Public Records, however, prove that Dr Young was
correct, for in *' The Warrant Entry Book from Board of
Trade," Survey Office, there are the following entries :

'^Deptford, March 23rd 1768. Two cats called the
Valentine and the Earl of Pembroke to be surveyed and
report which is the properest to be purchased."

'' Deptford, March 28th 1768. Ship Earl of Pembroke
to be received."

* * Deptford, April 7th 1 768. Ship purchased to be
sheathed, filled and fitted for a voyage to the southward.
To be called The Endeavour Bark^

From the Survey Office *^ List of H.M. Royal Navy,
etc.," 1 771-1776, it has been ascertained that her price
was ;^2,8oo, and the cost of sheathing and fitting her
for her voyage was ^^2,294. The reason she was called
officially either the Bark Endeavour or the Endeavour
Bark was that there was another Endeavour in the
Navy, stationed at the Nore at that time.

Kippis says that when the purchase of a ship was
resolved on, Palliser was entrusted with her selection,
and that he called on Cook for assistance in the matter,
and although there is no official authority for the state-
ment it may well be true. It had not been publicly
announced, but it appears to have been generally
accepted, that Cook had been selected for the command
of the expedition, and the fact that a Whitby-built
ship was chosen seems further corroboration.

Mr Dalrymple enters a claim, in letters written to
Dr Hawkesworth, to having *' chosen" the Endeavour
for the voyage, but as the Valentine and Earl of

90 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

Pembroke were not ordered to be surveyed till 23rd
March, when it was known that the Admiralty had
refused to allow him the command of the expedition,
there does not appear to be much weight in his claim.

Admiral Wharton assumes that, as Cook expresses
himself averse from having exploring ships sheathed
with copper, owing to the difficulty of making satis-
factory repairs in case of accident when away from
proper facilities, and from the constant mention of
^'heeling and boot-topping" in the Journal of the
Endeavour^ it is most probable that she was sheathed
in wood. This assumption is fully justified, for there
is no mention of any copper in the Surveyor's books
at the Records Office, nor at the time of her being
repaired at the Endeavour River, nor in Batavia, when
it is impossible that any account of her damaged bottom
could be given without the mention of copper, had
such sheathing been used. The Naval Chronicle^ i799>
says that the Alarm frigate was the first ship of the
Royal Navy to be copper sheathed, and this was in
1758 ; and it is also said that at the time of this expedi-
tion, Captain Wallis's ship, the Dolphin^ in which he
sailed round the world, was the only coppered ship
in the service ; and that she remained the only one for
some years.

On 5th May a meeting of the Council of the Royal
Society was held, and

*' Captain John Campbell mentioned that Captain James
Cook'' (thus in the Minutes of the Society) ''who now
attended will be appointed by the Admiralty to the
command of the vessel destined for the observation
in the Southern Latitudes, and that he was a proper
person to be one of the observers in the observation
of the Transit of Venus, Mr Cook was called in, and
accepted the employment in consideration of such
gratuity as the Society shall think proper, and an
allowance of £\io a year for victualling himself and
the other observer in every particular.

vr.] INSTRUMENTS FROM ROYAL SOCIETY 9,

^*Mr Green, attending, was also called in, and
accepted the engagement of observer, and agreed to
the allowance aforesaid, with a further gratuity to
himself of 200 guineas for the voyage, and if the voyage
should exceed two years, then at the rate of 100 guineas
per ann.

''Resolved that the instruments for the use of the
observers in the Southern Latitudes be the following :

''2 Reflecting telescopes of two feet focus, with
a Dolland's micrometer to one of them and moveable
wires for the other, now at Mr Shorts.

'*2 Wooden Stands for the telescopes with polar
axes suited to the Equator; provided by Mf Short
and now at his house.

'' An astronomical quadrant of one foot radius, made
by Mr Bird and now at his house.

'*An astronomical Clock and Alarm Clock, now
at the Royal Observatory.

'' A Brass Hadley's sextant, bespoke by Mr Maskelyne
of Mr Ramsden.

*' A Barometer, bespoke of Mr Ramsden.

*' A Journeyman Clock, bespoke of Mr Skelton.

'* 2 Thermometers, of Mr Bird.

'* I Stand for Bird's quadrant, now at the house
of the Society.

'' A dipping needle, bespoke of Mr Ramsden."

The workmen were ordered by the Society to show
and explain the instruments to Messrs Cook and Green,
and Mr Robertson was instructed to provide them with
Senex's or Halley's maps of the zodiac. A portable
observatory was constructed of a wooden framework
covered with canvas under the superintendence of the
Astronomer Royal and Cook, at a cost of £i^j i6s.
Mr Weld, in his *' History of the Royal Society,"
says it was designed by Smeaton, the builder of the
Eddystone Lighthouse.

Mr Maskelyne, knowing the necessity of a good
watch when taking observations for ascertaining the
longitude, lent the Society one of his own, made by
Graham, which was to be entrusted to Mr Green, and
was signed for with the other instruments. At the

92 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

meeting at which this offer of Mr Maskelyne's was
made, Cook agreed to accept a gratuity of one hundred
guineas from the Society for taking the observations,
and was paid ;^i20, the allowance for the sustenance
of Mr Green and himself, and was authorised to draw
on the Society during the voyage, for a further amount,
not exceeding ;^I20.

The following entry appears in the '* Commissions
and Warrants Book" under the date 25th May 1768.

** Mr James Cook (2nd) ist Lieutenant Endeavour Bark.
E. H., C. T., C. S."

The initials signify Edward Hawke, Charles Town-
shend, and Charles Saunders. The (2nd) evidently
refers to the fact that there was already one James Cook,
a Lieutenant in the Navy, viz., the former Master of the
Mercury^ and Third Lieutenant of the Gosport,

On the same date as the entry of his appointment
the Lords of the Admiralty wrote to Cook :

^* Whereas we have appointed you First Lieutenant
of His Majesty's Bark, the Endeavour^ now at Deptford,
and intend that you shall command her during her
present intended voyage ; and, whereas, we have ordered
the said Bark to be fitted out and stored at that place for
Foreign Service, manned with seventy men (agreeable
to the scheme on the Back hereof) and victualled to
Twelve months of all species of Provisions (for the said
number of men at whole allowance) except Beer, of
which she is to have only a proportion for one month
and to be supplied with Brandy in lieu of the remainder :
you are hereby required and directed to use the utmost
despatch in getting her ready for the sea accordingly,
and then falling down to Galleons Reach, take in her
guns and gunners' stores at that place and proceed to
the Nore for further orders.

** Given etc., etc., 25th May 1768
**ED Hawke. C. Townshend. P. T. Brett.
''To Lieut. James Cook."

VI- 1 APPLICATION FOR BANKS 93

In the '' Scheme " he Is put down as First Lieutenant
to command at five shillings per day ; it is to be
presumed that this was his command allowance, and
does not compare favourably with that of the present day.

In consequence of these orders Cook proceeded to
Deptford, and hoisted his pendant on board H.M.S.
Endeavour on 27th May, and proceeded to push on the
preparations for sea. A considerable quantity of coal
was taken on board for use in the stores for drying
the ship, as it took up so much less room than wood.

At this time Captain Wallis had returned from his
voyage round the world in the Dolphin^ and reported
very strongly in favour of the island of Georgeland,
called afterwards by Cook Otaheite, as the most con-
venient place at which the observations might be taken.
The Royal Society accordingly wrote to the Admiralty
requesting that the Endeavour should be ordered to go
there. They also notified that ^'Mr Charles Green
and Capt. Cook, who is commander of the vessel,"
had been appointed observers. At the same time they
said :

*^ Besides whom Joseph Banks, Esq., Fellow of this
Society, a Gentlemen of large fortune, who is well versed
in Natural History, being desirous of undertaking the
same voyage, the council very earnestly request their
Lordships that in regard to Mr Banks's great personal
merit and for the advancement of useful knowledge, he
also, together with his suite, being seven persons more
(that is eight persons in all) together with their baggage,
be received on board of the ship under the command of
Capt. Cook."

They also requested that the expedition might be
landed a month or six weeks before the 3rd June in
order that the instruments might be got into proper
working order, and for fear that some accident might
prevent the arrival of the ship at Georgeland, a table
of limits was enclosed within which the observations

94 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

might be taken. Full instructions to the two observers
were also sent that had been drawn up by Mr Nevil
Maskelyne, and a list of the fixed stars to be observed.

The order to receive Mr Green and Mr Banks and
party on board the Endeavour was given on 22nd July.
They were to be entered '*for victuals only," and were
to be supplied with the same as the ships' company
during their continuance on board. The members of
Mr Banks's party were : Dr Solander, naturalist ; H.
Sporin, assistant naturalist ; A. Buchan, S. Parkinson,
and Jno. Reynolds, artists ; James Roberts and Peter
Briscoe, white servants ; Thos. Richmond and J.
Dorlton, coloured servants.

It was owing to the personal friendship existing
between Banks and Lord Sandwich that he was
permitted to accompany Cook. He had taken up the
study of botany as a boy at school, and at an early age
had been elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. He
had made a voyage to Newfoundland in the summer of
1766, in H.M.S. Niger ^ Captain Sir Thos. Adams, and
it has been stated, met Cook for the first time when
out there, but there is nothing to show that this is the
case ; the two ships, Niger and Grenville were never
together. He seems to have immediately formed a just
estimate of Cook's worth ; indeed, Sir John Barrow says
he took a liking to him at the first interview ; and a
firm friendship quickly sprung up between them which
lasted to the end ; and many instances are to be found
of his interest in, and support to Cook after their return
home. This friendship speaks volumes for the character
of Cook, for though Banks was a most kindly natured
man at heart, he had, at times, a very over-bearing
manner.

Sir Joseph Hooker, in his introduction to Banks's
Journal, quotes from an interesting letter written by Mr
John Ellis, F.R.S., to Linnaeus, the great botanist, from
which the following is extracted :

VI.] LETTER FROM ELLIS TO LINN^US 95

*'I must now inform you that Joseph Banks, Esq.,
a gentleman of ;^6,ooo per annum estate, has prevailed
on your pupil, Dr Solander, to accompany him in the
ship that carries the English astronomers to the new
discovered country in the South Sea, where they are to
collect all the natural curiosities of the place, and after
the astronomers have finished their observations on the
Transit of Venus, they are to proceed under the direction
of Mr Banks, by order of the Lords of the Admiralty, on
further discoveries. No people ever went to sea better
fitted out for the purpose of Natural History, nor more
elegantly. They have got a fine library of Natural
History : they have all sorts of machines for catching
and preserving insects ; all kinds of nets, trawls, drags,
and hooks for coral fishing ; they have even a curious
contrivance of a telescope, by which, put into the water,
you can see the bottom at a great depth, where it is
clear. They have many cases of bottles with ground
stoppers, of several sizes, to preserve animals in spirits.
They have the several sorts of salts to surround the
seeds ; and wax, both bees-wax and that of the myrica ;
besides, there are many people whose sole business it
is to attend them for this very purpose. They have
two painters and draughtsmen, several volunteers who
have a tolerable notion of Natural History ; in short,
Solander assured me this expedition would cost Mr
Banks ;^i 0,000. About three days ago I took my
leave of Solander, when he assured me he would write
to you and to all his family, and acquaint them with the
particulars of this expedition. I must observe to you
that his places are secured to him, and he has promises
from persons in power, of much better preferment on
his return. Everybody here parted from him with
reluctance, for no man was ever more beloved and in so
great esteem with the public, from his affable and polite
behaviour."

The Endeavour left Deptford on 21st July, called at
Galleons Reach, where she remained till the 30th
taking in her guns and gunners' stores. Her arma-
ment was originally established at six carriage guns,
four pounders, increased to ten at Plymouth, and eight
swivels to which, at Cook's request, four more were

96 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap.

added for use in the ship's boats. She then dropped
down the river, and anchored in the Downs on 3rd
August. The complement of the ship had been
increased to eighty-five men, including twelve marines
who were to join at Plymouth ; and a Third Lieutenant
had been appointed on 20th July. Cook joined his ship
on the 7th, discharged his pilot and sailed the next day.
He had a very tedious passage down the Channel, and
did not arrive in Plymouth till the 14th, when he
immediately sent word to Messrs Banks and Solander,
who had remained behind in London, that his ship was
ready for sea, and he was only waiting for a fair wind
to sail at once. They immediately started for Plymouth,
their baggage being already safely on board, and joined
Cook on 20th August.

Having received his marines, extra guns, twelve
barrels of powder, and other stores. Cook mustered his
crew, paid them two months' advance, and explained
to them that they were not to expect any additional pay
for the intended voyage. He says ** they were well
satisfied and expressed great cheerfulness and readiness
to prosecute the voyage."

The orders under which he sailed were secret, and,
unfortunately, are not to be found. Admiral Wharton
says that the letter covering them is in existence, but
the orders themselves which should be on the next page
are not there. Cook, however, writes :

** I was, therefore, ordered to proceed directly to
Otaheite ; and, after the astronomical observations
should be completed, to prosecute the design of making
discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean by proceeding to
the South as far as the latitude of 40° : then, if I found
no land, to proceed to the west between 40° and 35° till
I fell in with New Zealand, which I was to explore, and
thence return to England by such route as I should
think proper."

This is evidently a version of his orders given with

VI.] SAILING ORDERS 97

the light of knowledge gained by having carried them
out, and it would be most interesting to be able to
compare them with the original ones. His last letter to
the Admiralty, before leaving England, was written on
the day of his arrival at Plymouth, informing them of
that fact, and announcing his intention of proceeding
to sea with all possible despatch.

CHAPTER VII

1 768-1 769 — PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE

After waiting for some days for a fair wind, Cook
eventually sailed at 2 p.m. on 26th August, having
on board, as he says in his Journal, ^^94 persons
including officers, seamen. Gentlemen and their servants,
near 18 months' provisions, 10 carriage guns, 12 swivels,
with good store of ammunition and stores of all kinds."
On I St September they had heavy gales lasting for
about twenty-four hours, and a small boat belonging to
the boatswain was washed away and *^ between three
and four dozen of our poultry, which was worst of all,"
were drowned. The ship was found to be very leaky in
her upper works, and the sails in the store got very wet.
Banks notes they caught two birds in the rigging that
had evidently been blown off the coast of Spain, which
they were passing at the time. On 13th September
they anchored in Funchal Roads, and during the night
**the Bend of the Hawser of the stream anchor slip'd
owing to the carelessness of the person who made it
fast." The anchor was hauled up into a boat in the
morning and carried further out, but, unfortunately,
in heaving it into the water, the master's mate, named
Weir, got entangled in the buoy rope, was carried
overboard and drowned before any assistance could be
rendered.

Whilst shifting her berth to a more convenient spot,
the Endeavour^ owing to some misunderstanding, was
fired on by one of the forts, but satisfactory explana-

CHAP. VII.] FUNCHAL, MADEIRA gg

tions and apologies were made, and Cook treated it as
a matter of such small importance that he does not
mention it in his Journal. This incident is probably
the origin of the story told by Forster in his Journal
of Cook's second voyage. He says that ''Captain
Cook in the Endeavour battered the Loo Fort at Madeira
in conjunction with an English Frigate, thus resenting
an affront which had been offered to the British flag."
On the arrival of the Endeavour at Funchal the only
British man-of-war there was H.M.S. Rose^ which sailed
the following day with a convoy, and neither her
captain's Journal nor the ship's log makes any reference
whatever to any dispute with the Portuguese. No other
English man-of-war came into the port whilst the
Endeavour was there, and neither Banks nor Parkinson
refers to the matter in any way, and Cook afterwards, at
Rio, expressly informed the Viceroy that he had been
well received by the Portuguese at Madeira.

A fresh supply of water, beef, vegetables, and wine
was taken on board ; the wine, fruit, and water being
good and cheap, but the beef and some poultry
purchased for the cabin were dear, and only to be
obtained by special leave from the Governor. Two
of the men, a marine and a sailor, received twelve
lashes each for refusing to eat their allowance of fresh
meat. This appears to be harsh treatment, but it must
be remembered that the lash was at that time almost
the only recognised method of punishment in the Navy
for offences however trivial, and also that Cook knew,
from his own experience, how important it was to
prevent the scurvy from once getting a foothold on
board, and was determined to fight this, almost his
most dangerous foe, by every means in his power.
He was fortunate in getting a large supply of good
onions here, and twenty pounds of this useful vegetable
were served out per man, followed a few days after-
wards by a further supply of lo lbs.

loo 1 768-1 769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

Mr Banks, who with his staff, spent the five days
they were at Funchal with Mr Cheap, the English
Consul, describes the place as very pretty when viewed
from the sea. He explored as much of the island as
he could, but complains that his time was so much
broken up that he does not think he was ever more
than three miles from the town. The Governor visited
them on one day which he says was thus wasted, but
relates, with evident glee, how he took his revenge.
There was an electric machine on board, and His
Excellency was most curious on the subject, so it was
sent for and explained to him, and Mr Banks says,
**they gave him as many shocks as he cared for;
perhaps more." A visit was paid to a large convent
where the nuns, who had heard that they were
distinguished scientists, plied them with all sorts of
questions, and Banks says that for the half-hour the
visit lasted their tongues were going **all the time at
an uncommonly nimble rate." A monastery was also
visited, but the monks were unprepared to show them
hospitality ; however, they invited the party most
cordially to return the next day, and, though it was
a fast day, they promised them that they should have
roast turkey for dinner. Unfortunately, the invitation
could not be accepted. The people he describes
as very primitive, idle, and uninformed, and all their
instruments of the rudest make, and he thought that
the appliances used in the manufacture of wine must
have been similar to those used by Noah, ** although
it is not impossible that he might have used better,
if he remembered the methods he had seen before
the flood." One of the Governors left it on record
that so averse were the people from change that he
esteemed it most fortunate that the island was not
Eden before the fall, as in that case the inhabitants
could never have been induced to put on clothes.
Banks obtained many valuable notes and specimens

SIR JOSEPH BANKS.

[To face p. lOO.

vii.j CROSSING THE LINE loi

from a Dr Heberden, who had been resident on the
island for some years.

On 19th September, at midnight, they weighed
anchor, sighting Teneriffe on the 23rd, and the next
day saw their first flying fish, which found its way into
Mr Green's cabin. On the 28th they caught a young
shark, and had some steaks for dinner, which Banks
and Solander reported on as being very good ; but
the crew religiously refused to try them. Cape de
Verde Islands were seen on the 30th, and about a
fortnight afterwards, having had a long succession of
calms, the line was crossed in 29°24' W. longitude,
and the following day that event was celebrated in
the usual rough manner. A list of all on board was
drawn up, even including the dogs and cats, and was
brought into the cabin to Lieutenant Hicks, who had
crossed before. All hands were mustered on deck,
and those who had to pay homage to Father Neptune
were separated from the rest. Any one who wished
could purchase immunity for four days' allowance of
wine ; but the others had to undergo the ordeal of
ducking. Banks compounded for himself and party,
and it must be supposed that the commander of the
ship followed his example, as it is not reported that
he was ducked. That process was carried out as
follows : A rope was rove through a block on the
end of the main-yard and had three pieces of wood
fastened on it, one to form a seat to which the victim
was securely lashed, the second for him to hold on
to, and the third over his head to prevent his being
injured by the rope being hauled too far through the
block. When securely lashed, the boatswain whistled,
and the sufferer was hauled up till stopped by the
upper piece of wood, then a second whistle, and
down he came with a run into the sea, only to be
quickly hauled up for a second and then a third
dip. Cook says the ' ' ceremony was performed to

I02 1 768-1 769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

about twenty or thirty to the no small diversion of
the rest."

Whilst near the Equator great inconvenience was
experienced from the damp heat, everything was
mouldy or rusty, and several of the crew were on the
sick-list with a sort of bilious complaint ; but fortunately
it did not get a sufficient hold to become a serious
matter.

They struck soundings on 6th November, and
heaving the lead three times within three or four hours
they found a difference of less than a foot between
each cast. On the 8th land was sighted, which proved
to be the Coast of Brazil, near Cape Frio, latitude
21° 16' S. They came across a boat near this place,
manned by eleven blacks who were engaged in fishing,
salting, and stacking the fish in their boat as they caught
them. Banks purchased some of their catch, and was
going to pay for them in Spanish coin, but was greatly
surprised to find they preferred English money. Their
method of obtaining a drink from the water cask caused
some amusement as it required two men to one drink.
A hollow cane was inserted into the cask by one man
who covered the orifice at the top end of the cane with
his hand, and then transferred the contents of the cane
from the cask to the mouth of his thirsty mate.

On 13th November they arrived off Rio de Janeiro,
where they were very ungraciously received by the
Viceroy, and Cook's report on the subject, together
with copies of the ''Memorials" that passed between
the two, are to be found in the Public Records office.
The report, a lengthy document, is worth reading, as
it shows, in a marked degree, great patience and
dignified conduct in a difficult and undoubtedly very
galling position. The facts shortly told are as follows:
As soon as the Endeavour arrived off the port. Lieu-
tenant Hicks was sent in one of the boats to announce
the arrival of the ship, to ask for the services of a pilot

VII.] TROUBLES AT RIO 103

to take her up to the proper anchorage, and to inform
the Viceroy that she was calling in to obtain such
necessary refreshment as would enable her to continue
her voyage. A favourable breeze springing up, Cook
decided not to wait for Mr Hicks's return, but to sail
up the river where he encountered no difficulties — and
he anchored off the town. The boat then returned to
the ship without Mr Hicks, who had been detained
on shore by the orders of the Viceroy, and it was
quickly followed by a second one with several officers
'^who asked many and very particular questions, all
of which was answered to their satisfaction." These
officers told Cook that it was the invariable custom
to detain any one who came ashore from a ship
before the Viceroy's boat had visited her. A guard
boat next made its appearance with orders to allow
no one to land except Cook, and no one to go on
board without a special permit. Mr Hicks, who had
at last been allowed to return to his ship, reported
that as soon as he had delivered his message, he
was asked if he would conform to the customs of
the place, and he at once replied that any customs
that had previously been observed by English men-
of-war would be conformed to. He was told that
Cook must wait on the Viceroy the next day, and
when he attempted to go to his boat he was prevented,
and told he would have to remain ashore till his
captain landed. However, he was allowed to return
the next day.

Cook then had an interview with the Viceroy and
arranged for the purchase of food, which must be
bought through a native, and a commission of five
per cent, paid on everything. He was permitted to
water the ship, but had to submit to a sentry over
his men and a guard in each boat engaged. When
these matters had been arranged Cook remonstrated
about his lieutenant having been detained, only to be

I04 1768-1769—PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

met with the same explanation that he had received
before, and he decided to ** waive this matter in the
best manner I could, being very desirous of avoiding
all manner of disputes of this nature, which I knew
could not fail of creating a delay which would retard
the voyage, the success of which I had of all things
most at heart." He then informed the Viceroy that he
had some scientific gentlemen on board and requested
that they might be allowed to land after being so
long at sea, and also be permitted to make collec-
tions of such things as related to natural history ;
but to his great surprise this request was promptly
refused.

On returning to his ship he found that an officer
had been told off to accompany him wherever he
went, and was informed that he was there to render
him any assistance he might require, but as Cook
could not speak Portuguese and the officer could
speak no English, the former thought he would not
be of much service, and concluded that he was simply
intended as a guard. He informed his attendant that
an English gentleman, named Foster, who was in the
Portuguese army, had offered his services and they
would suffice, and that at any rate his guard should
not be permitted on board his ship in that capacity ;
to which it was replied that he might be left in the
guard-boat, but that he must accompany him so far.
In the end this officer and Mr Foster dined on board
as Cook's guests, and after dinner Mr Banks and
some of the others prepared to accompany Cook on
shore to call on the Viceroy, but were informed that
no one except the Commander of the Endeavour would
be permitted to land. Cook was unable to see the
Viceroy so he sent word to him that he was greatly
obliged for the honour done him in attaching an
officer to him during his stay, but he hoped His
Excellency would not insist on it, as it was an

VII.] TROUBLES AT RIO 105

honour that would not be paid in England to an
officer of his rank, and that it had not been conferred
on the Commanders of the Dolphin and Tamar when
they were at Rio. The Viceroy replied that Portuguese
officers would not expect the same compliment in
England, and he did not know what had been done
in the case of the Dolphin and Tamar ^ as that was
before his time ; he was only acting according to
orders, and no one but the Commander would be
allowed on shore.

After further discussion, Cook considered the
possibility of leaving the port at once, but came to
the conclusion, in the interests of the expedition, to put
up with these indignities, obtain what he required, and
then report the matter fully to the Admiralty. A
** Memorial," signed by Cook and Banks, was sent by
Mr Hicks to the Viceroy, and Hicks was instructed to
admit no guard into his boat. The Viceroy, however,
would receive no communication from an unguarded
boat. Mr Hicks was conveyed back to the Endeavour
by force, and his boat was seized and his boats' crew put
in prison. Their release was immediately demanded by
Cook, who received a reply that an answer would be
sent the next day. That night the long boat with four
pipes of rum in her — she had been engaged in bringing
stores to the ship — broke away in a squall, and the
only boat Cook had to send after her was the yawl,
which picked her up but had to leave her at a grapnel
as she was too small to tow her back. A letter was
sent the next morning for assistance to get her back
to the ship, and asking for the return of the pinnace
and her crew. After some delay the requests were
granted and an answer was also sent to the Memorial.
The Viceroy expressed a doubt as to the Endeavour
being a King's ship, accused the crew of smuggling,
and appeared to have been utterly unable to understand
the object of the voyage. Cook says his only idea of

io6 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

the Transit of Venus was **the North Star passing
through the South Pole. His own words."

Finding it was not possible to go on shore unguarded,
Cook remained on board, but by sending his boats in
command of petty officers, he, submitting to a guard,
was able to get in his supplies, and was soon ready to
^^ put to sea, without loss of time, in as good a condition
for prosecuting the voyage as the day we left England."
What made the maintenance of a guard especially
galling, was that a Spanish man-of-war came in during
his stay and no guard was put on her — and her officers
were permitted to go wherever they liked.

M. de Bougainville, when on his voyage, visited Rio,
and was at first received in a most friendly manner by
this same Viceroy; but after a time the treatment was
altered, and he had to put up with even greater insolence
than Cook.

The Spanish man-of-war above mentioned willingly
undertook to carry home and forward to the Admiralty
Cook's report and copies of the memorials and replies ;
but it has not been ascertained what further steps were
taken. Cook speaks of this correspondence as '' a paper
war between me and His Excellency, wherein I had no
other advantage than the racking his invention to find
reasons for treating us in the manner he did, for he
never would relax the least from any one point."

Parkinson, in the Journal published by his brother,
which was suppressed for a time in the interests of Dr
Hawkesworth's work, says that, notwithstanding the
precautions taken by the Governor, he. Banks, and
Solander

** frequently, unknown to the centinel, stole out of the
cabin window at midnight, letting ourselves down into
the boat by a rope ; and driving away with the tide
till we were out of hearing, we then rowed to some
unfrequented part of the shore, where we landed and
made excursions up into the country, though not so far
as we could have wished to have done."

VII.] SECOND FATAL ACCIDENT 107

Speaking of the supplies received at Rio, Banks
says the beef, though very cheap, about 2jd. per pound,
was very lean and dry ; the bread tasted as if made of
sawdust, and quite justified the Portuguese name,
Farinha de Pao (wooden meal) ; and the fruits, with
the exception of the oranges, were very indifferent, in
particular, the banana, a fruit he had not tasted before,
was not at all to his liking. The water also was so bad
that the crew preferred what they had brought with
them, although it was very stale.

When they had received their stores on board, the
anchor was weighed in order to take up a more
favourable position for making a start, but, unfor-
tunately, shortly after the ship got under weigh, a man
named Flowers fell from the main-shrouds into the sea
and was drowned before assistance could be rendered.
This was the second death since leaving England. The
next day, 3rd December, the wind was contrary, and as
they were all anxious to turn their backs on the place
where they had been so ungraciously received, the boats
were ordered to tow the ship out of the bay, but they
were at once brought to by a shot fired from the fort of
Santa Cruz. A remonstrance was immediately sent
ashore, and, in response, it was pleaded that the
necessary permit for leaving the port had been signed,
but had been delayed in its way to the fort, and till the
officer in command received the paper no vessel was
allowed to leave. Another attempt was afterwards made
to get away, but the anchor was found to have fouled a
rock, and at last, on the 7th, they were able to make a
start, discharging the pilot, and bidding farewell to the
guard-boat.

During the time that Cook had been prisoner on
board his own ship he had not been idle, but had
employed himself making observations and drawing
a sketch map of the harbour. He was able to pick
up a good deal of information from various sources,

io8 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

particularly from the pilot, and Banks and Solander, by-
joining a broom-cutting party on one of the islands,
were able to make some additions to their botanical
collection.

Before leaving, they learnt that the Portuguese
officer, Mr Foster, who had been of considerable service
to them, had been placed under arrest by the Viceroy in
consequence.

On 9th December they met with some bad weather
and lost their foretop-gallant mast, but the rough
handling they got was credited with improving the
sailing qualities of the ship as it took some of the
stiffness out of her upperworks. A meteor was seen
on the 23rd, which was like a small bright cloud
emitting flames and travelling rapidly westward ;
eventually two sharp explosions were heard and it
slowly disappeared. On the same day they also
observed an eclipse of the moon.

Christmas Day, for which the men had been saving
up their allowances of grog, passed in the usual
manner, that is to say, in considerable over-indulgence ;
Banks speculates in his Journal as to what might have
happened if they had had bad weather, and Cook
dismisses the occurrence very shortly : * * The people were
none of the soberest."

On the 27th they were crossing the mouth of the
River Plate ; the water was noticed to be very dis-
coloured, and a good many land insects were caught
in it. On 2nd January 1769, they saw shoals of red
lobsters like those mentioned by Dampier and Cowley,
but they were not met with in such quantities as those
navigators reported.

On the nth, the shores of Terra del Fuego were
sighted, and on working closer in, the country was
found to be less desolate in appearance than they had
expected from Anson's description. Arriving off the
entrance to the Straits of Le Maire, between Staten

VII.] STATEN ISLAND

109

Island and the mainland, they were driven back by the
tide and a strong adverse wind. In endeavouring to
shelter under Cape Diego they were carried past by the
current, but, after considerable difficulty, managed to get
through the straits in about three and a half days.
Cook has left sailing directions for this passage which
are followed to the present day. Banks and Solander
managed to get a short time ashore on Staten Island,
and returned delighted with an addition of some
hundred new plants to their collection. Cook, who
had his eye to the welfare of his crew, remarks : ^*They
returned on board, bringing with them several plants
and flowers, etc., most of them unknown in Europe,
and in that consisted their whole value." The weather
clearing up permitted Cook and Green to make a series
of observations, **the first ever made so far South in
America," which enabled them to fix the position of
Cape Diego as 66° W., 54° 39' S. ; Wharton gives it as
65° 8' W., 54° 40' S.

On the 15th, they anchored in the Bay of Success,
to replenish their stock of wood and water, and here
met with some of the inhabitants, with whom, by means
of gifts of beads and other small things, they soon
established friendly relations, and three of them were
persuaded to go on board the ship. Though by no
means a small race of men, they were nothing like the
giants that had been reported by the earlier navigators
to live in this part of the globe. They had in their
possession, glass, buttons, rings, canvas, brown cloth,
etc., showing conclusively that they had previously
had some communication with Europeans. Their
clothing consisted chiefly of skins, roughly cured, and
a plentiful coating of paint. The only personal
property on which they appeared to set much store
were their bows and arrows, which were carefully
made and always kept in good order. Their staple
food appeared to be seal flesh and shell-fish; their

no 1 768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

houses, merely shelters of boughs covered with grass
and leaves built to windward of a small fire.

On i6th January Messrs Banks, Solander, Buchan,
Green, Monkhouse, two seamen, and Banks's two
coloured servants, tried to get up the hills to see
something of the surrounding country ; but they found
their progress much hampered by the dwarf vegetation.
To add to their discomfort, it turned very cold, and
a heavy snowstorm came on. Several of the party
experienced the desire to sleep that is brought on by
cold, and were warned against giving way to it by
Dr Solander, who knew its danger, yet he was almost
the first one to give in, and was with great difficulty
kept awake. Mr Buchan, most unfortunately too, had
a fit, and so a large fire was made at the first convenient
spot, but a sailor and the two coloured men lagged
behind. During the night the seaman was heard
shouting and was brought in to the fire, but in the
morning the other two w^ere found frozen to death.
Cook attributes their death to over-indulgence in spirits,
the supply for the party having been in their charge.
As they had not intended to remain away from the
ship for the night, provisions ran short, and so a
vulture was shot and carefully divided amongst them,
each one cooking his own portion, which amounted
to about three mouthfuls. At length the weather
clearing up, they started back for the ship, and after
some three hours they struck the beach only to find
they had been no great distance away, but had described
a circle, and had arrived quite close to the point from
which they started. Banks notes that the vegetation
was far in excess of what they had been led to expect,
and that white was the dominant colour of the flowers.
Wild celery and scurvy grass were collected in large
quantities, and were plentifully mixed with the food as
long as it was possible to preserve it in a wholesome
condition. Whilst in the Bay of Success the guns

VII.] ROUNDING THE HORN

III

were placed in the hold, so that if bad weather was
experienced in rounding Cape Horn, there would be
more room on the deck for working the ship.

On 27th January Cape Horn was passed, but, owing
to the prevalence of fog and the contrary direction of
the wind, which prevented their approaching very
closely, they were unable to fix its exact position, but
the description they were able to give of its appearance,
and twenty-four observations taken in the immediate
neighbourhood, settled any doubts they may have had
about it, and Cook places it in 55° 53' S., 68° 13' W.,
and Wharton gives the corrected position as 55° 58' S.,
6f 16' W. Three days afterwards they reached their
furthest south, according to Cook, 60° 4' S., 74° 10' W.,
and the course was then altered to West by North. The
continuous and careful observations of the state of the
sea, and the absence of currents during the following
month, caused Cook to come to the conclusion, which
he was afterwards to prove a true one, that the vast
southern continent, so long supposed to be situated
somewhere in this part of the globe, and by many
esteemed necessary to preserve its balance, was non-
existent. Banks, in his Journal, expresses his pleasure
at having upset this theory, and observes: *^ Until we
know how the globe is fixed in its position, we need
not be anxious about its balance.'*

The weeks following the alteration of their course
to the northward were uneventful, and were only marked
by the occasional success of the naturalists in obtaining
fresh specimens, some of which were experimented on
by the cook ; for instance, an albatross having been
skinned and soaked in salt water all night, Avas stewed
and served with savoury sauce, and was preferred to
fresh pork ; a cuttle fish of large size that had been
freshly killed by the birds, and so much damaged
that they were unable to classify it, was made into
soup of which Banks says; *^Only this I know that,

112 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap.

of it was made one of the best soups I ever ate." The
water obtained in Terra del Fuego turned out to be
very good, which was a very great boon, as one of
their constant troubles and a source of great anxiety
to Cook was the bad quality of the water often
obtained.

Towards the end of March a change was noticed in
the kinds of birds flying round the ship, some of them
being recognised as species which were never known
to be found far from shore, and in consequence a very
sharp look-out was kept, each one being anxious to
be the first to sight the land. On the night of the
24th the trunk of a tree was reported to have been seen,
but when morning came there were no further visible
signs. It has since been decided that they were at that
time a little to the north of Pitcairn Island, afterwards
the home of the mutineers of the Bounty ; but Cook did
not think himself at liberty to risk delay by making
any deviation from his course **to look for what he
was not sure to find," although he thought at the
time he was ** not far from those islands discovered
by Quiros in 1606."

On 26th March one of the marines committed
suicide by jumping overboard. It seems he had mis-
appropriated a piece of sealskin committed to his
charge, and his fellow-soldiers, being indignant that
such a thing should have been done by one of their
cloth, made his life uncomfortable, and threatened that
the matter should be formally reported by the sergeant.
This was the fifth death since leaving England — none
of which were owing to disease.

On 4th April, at 10.30 a.m., Mr Banks's servant,
Peter Briscoe, sighted land, and the course of the ship
was altered to give them a chance of inspecting it, when
it was found to be one of those peculiar circular reefs
existing in the South Pacific, surrounding a lagoon.
As there was no anchorage, they made no attempt

VII.3 FIRST PACIFIC DISCOVERY 113

to land, but were able to see from the ship that it
was inhabited ; some twenty-four persons who were
seen through the glasses to be copper-coloured and
to have black hair, were following the ship as if
prepared to oppose any attempt to land. The island
was covered with trees, amongst which the cocoanut
palm was clearly distinguished. Cook gave it the
name of ** Lagoon Island " ; it is one of the Low Archi-
pelago, and is at present known as *' Vahitahi." They
were now in Wallis's track, and sighted islands almost
every day, most of which appeared to be inhabited ;
but owing to the absence of safe anchorage they
were unable to hold communication with the natives.

On loth April Osnaburg Island was passed, and
the next day King George's Island (Otaheite) was
sighted, but owing to failure of the wind they did not
get close in till the 12th, when some of the inhabitants
came out to the ship in their canoes, bringing with
them branches of trees, which they handed up the sides,
and by signs desired they should be placed conspicuously
in the rigging. This was taken to mean that friendship
had been offered and accepted, and then the natives
produced a good supply of commodities in the shape
of vegetables and fruit, amongst the last. Banks says,
there were bread-fruit, bananas, cocoanuts, and apples
(a species of hog plum), and they were most acceptable
to the ship after so long a time without any fresh
vegetable food except the wild plants gathered in
Terra del Fuego.

At 7 A.M. on the 13th they anchored in the bay
described by Wallis, known by the natives as Matavai,
in thirteen fathoms of water, and Cook says of his
route from Cape Horn, ''I endeavoured to make a
direct course, and in part succeeded."

CHAPTER VIII

1769 — SOCIETY ISLANDS

Hardly had the anchor reached the bottom, when
the Endeavour was surrounded by canoes, whose
occupants were anxious to sell the supplies they had
brought, consisting of fruits, raw and cooked fish, and
a pig ; but as the price asked for the last was a hatchet,
an article that was scarce on board, it was not purchased.
When all was made safe, a party went ashore, and was
well received by the natives, but those who had been
to the place previously with Wallis, in the Dolphin^
reported that all those who were then said to be chiefs
were keeping in the background. The next day,
however, two men of evident rank came on board ship,
and being invited down into the cabin, went through
the following ceremony as described by Banks : *' Each
singled out his friend ; one took the captain, and the
other chose myself. Each took off a part of his clothes,
and dressed his friend with what he took off ; in return
for this, we presented them with a hatchet and some
beads." An invitation was then given by the chiefs
to their new friends to visit the shore, and at once
accepted. On landing, the party were escorted to a
long building, and were introduced to an old man
whom they had not seen before, who presented Cook
with a cock, and Banks with a hen, and each with a
piece of cloth of native manufacture. The present
which Banks gave in return, was his large laced silk
neckcloth and a linen handkerchief. After this, they

114

CHAP. VIII.] "PRODIGIOUS EXPERT" THIEVES 115

were permitted to stroll about, and received many tokens
of amity, in the shape of green boughs from the people,
and were then entertained at a banquet ; the principal
dishes being fish and bread-fruit. Whilst at dinner,
Solander had his pocket picked of an opera-glass, and
Dr Monkhouse lost his snuff-box. As soon as the loss
was made known, one of their friends, whom they had
nicknamed Lycurgus, drove off all the people, striking
them and throwing at them anything he could lay his
hands on. He offered the victims of the robbery some
pieces of cloth as compensation, and when these were
refused, extended his offer to everything he possessed.
He was made to understand that all that was required
was the return of the stolen articles, and after a time,
the snuff-box and the case of the glass were returned,
and then the glass itself.

During the whole stay of the Endeavour at the
island, they had the greatest difficulty in preventing
the natives from stealing, at which accomplishment,
says Cook, they were ** prodigious expert." On the
whole they were very well satisfied with their first visit
ashore, and it was thought to augur well for the
carrying out their plans for the observations of the
Transit of Venus. In order to lessen the chances
of disagreement arising in trading, and to enable him
to have some control over the prices. Cook ordered that
one person only should conduct the purchase of
supplies for the ship, and appointed Mr Banks to the
position, as he had shown great aptitude for dealing
with the natives. At the same time, he also ordered
that every means was to be taken to cultivate the
friendship of the islanders, and that they were to be
treated *'with every imaginable humanity."

The next day they again went ashore and selected
a site for a camp on the eastern point of the bay, to
which the name of Point Venus was given, the longitude
being, according to Cook, 149' 31' W., and according to

ii6 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

Wharton, 149° 29'. Lines were traced for boundaries,
and Mr Banks's largest tent was pitched, then, having
placed a guard in charge, the remainder of the party-
went for a walk of inspection through some of the
surrounding country. They passed through some
woods that Mr Hicks had been prevented from explor-
ing the day before, and Mr Banks had the good fortune
to bring down three ducks with one shot, and it was
hoped that this would impress the natives with a due
respect for the white man's weapons. On their road
back to the camp they were alarmed by the sound of
a musket shot, and hurrying on they found that,
during their absence, one of the sentries had been
pushed over and his musket stolen. The midshipman
who was in command ordered his men to fire, and the
thief had been shot, but the musket had not been
recovered. All the natives ran away except one, whom
Cook calls Awhaa, and whom Mr Molineaux, who
had been out in the Dolphin, recognised as being a
man of some authority. Through him, an attempt
was made to arrange matters, but, though they landed
again the next day, the natives were very shy. How-
ever, the two chiefs who had first made friends with
Cook and Banks, and to whom they had given the
names of Lycurgus and Hercules, came again on board
the ship, each bringing a present of a pig and bread-
fruit, and they concluded that as Hercules's present
was the larger, he was the richer and therefore the
more important chief.

On this day Mr Buchan, the artist, had another
epileptic fit, which was unfortunately fatal. It was at
first intended to bury him on land, but in order to run
no risk of offending against any of the customs or
superstitions of the natives, it was decided to take the
body some distance out to sea. Cook, in referring to
his death, says: **He will be greatly missed in the
course of this voyage."

I

US

o N

j|||i||

viii.l FORT VENUS xiy

In the afternoon, the ship was brought up into such
a position as to command the site of the proposed camp,
and as there was to be an eclipse of one of Jupiter's
satellites, Cook and Green went ashore for the night,
to try to secure an observation, but the weather was
unpropitious, and they were not successful.

The next thing was to put the camp in a state of
defence. The north and south sides were protected by
a bank 4 feet 6 inches high on the inside, having
a ditch ID feet wide and 6 feet deep on the outside.
The west side, facing the bay, had a 4 feet bank,
crowned by a palisade, with no ditch, and the east side,
on the bank of the river, was protected by a double
row of water casks. The armament consisted of two
carriage guns on the weakest or east side, and six
swivel guns, two on each of the other sides. The
garrison was forty-five men, including civilians, and
Cook considered it was practically impregnable. In
the MSS. department at the British Museum, there is a
pen and ink sketch and plan of the fort, drawn by Cook
himself, which agrees much better with the description
than the engraving of Parkinson's drawing published
in the ^* History of the Voyage." The natives appear at
first to have been somewhat disturbed by these prepara-
tions, some of them even leaving the bay, but as time
passed without any dreadful results, they took courage
and returned.

When the fort was completed the instruments were
landed to be put in the required positions and prepared
for their work, and the following morning the quadrant,
which had not been removed from the case in which it
had been packed in London, was found to be missing,
although a sentry had been stationed within five yards
of it the whole night. On enquiry being made, it was
soon elicited that the thief had been seen making off
with it, and Banks, his native friend, and one or two
Englishmen at once started in pursuit, closely followed

ii8 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

by Cook and a party of marines. After a long chase the
quadrant was recovered, but some of the smaller portions
were found to be missing ; after some further delay these
were returned in a case belonging to a horse pistol which
had been stolen from Banks, and soon afterwards the
pistol itself was returned, and they were able to go back
to the camp. On their arrival they found that Cook's
friend, Dootahah, or Hercules as they had called him,
had been detained as a hostage, so he was at once
released to the great delight of the islanders, who had
evinced great alarm when they saw an armed party go
into the woods. Dootahah, to show his gratitude for his
release, sent a present of two hogs to Cook, for which he
refused to receive anything in return, but, second thoughts
afterwards seeming best, he sent a man to ask for an
axe and a shirt, and to say that he was going away,
and would not be back for ten days.

As the supplies of vegetables and fruit offered for sale
had been decreasing in quantity, it was thought better to
refuse the return present, in hopes that he would apply for
it in person, and then some settled arrangement as to a
regular market might be made, but as he again sent some
one else, word was returned to him that Cook and Banks
would bring it to him the following day. For fear that
the promise might be forgotten, Dootahah again sent his
man, and Cook and Banks started off in the pinnace on
the visit. On their arrival they were received by a large
crowd, which was kept in order by a man in an immense
turban, armed with a long white stick, ^* which he applied
to the people with great judgment and relish." The
party were conducted to a large tree and very graciously
received by Dootahah, who immediately asked for his
axe, which was presented to him together with a shirt
and a piece of broadcloth fashioned into a boat cloak.
He at once put on the cloak and gave the shirt to the
man with the stick. Refreshments were then served,
and they were afterwards entertained with dancing and

VIII.] SURF-RIDING AND FLIES 119

wrestling. Dootahah then accompanied them back to
the ship, taking with him supplies for dinner; and
when it became known that he was on board, trading
was at once resumed.

One morning shortly afterwards. Banks received a
message from his friend Taburai (Lycurgus), to say
that he was very sick, and he wished to see him. He
complained of having been poisoned by something
given to him by one of the sailors. Banks made a
few enquiries, and a small parcel was brought to him,
which, being opened, was found to contain tobacco.
It seemed that he had noticed some of the sailors
chewing, and had asked for a quid, which was given
to him, and he had bitten off a piece and swallowed it.
Banks prescribed large draughts of cocoanut milk, which
soon rendered him convalescent.

Flies were a terrible pest, they got into everything,
and when the artists were at work they ate off the colours
almost as fast as they were laid on. Tar and molasses
were tried as a trap for them, but the natives stole the
mixture and used it as ointment for sores. They were
particularly struck by the dexterity of the natives in their
favourite pastime of surf-riding ; swimming out with a
piece of board they would mount it and come in on the
crest of the waves ; and Banks says he does not believe
that any European could have lived amongst the breakers
in the way they did, and he especially admired the manner
in which they timed the waves and dived beneath on
their way out from the shore.

A blacksmith's forge had been set up at the camp,
and the natives were continually bringing old iron to be
made into axes, and old axes to be repaired. This was
always done for them when it did not interfere with
other work, and it was noticed that some of these old
axes were not of English manufacture, and it appeared
very unlikely that they had been obtained from the
Dolphin. At length it was ascertained that since her

I20 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

visit two ships had anchored off the east coast of the
island, and it was concluded from the description the
natives gave of the flags that they were Spanish, but
on the arrival of the Endeavour at Batavia they were
able to identify them as the French ships commanded by
M. de Bougainville, whose crews were suffering very
severely from scurvy at that time.

The supply of fresh meat was running very short, so
a visit was paid to Dootahah to see if arrangements
could be made for a further quantity. The visitors were
received in a most friendly manner by him and a large
party of his people. As it was getting rather late for
a return to the ship by daylight, they determined to
remain all night, and as a consequence nearly every one
found that they had lost some of their property. Cook's
stockings were stolen from under his head, where he had
placed them for greater safety. Perhaps by way of some
compensation for their losses they were entertained
during the night to a concert. The orchestra consisted
of three drummers and four flautists, the latter per-
forming on flutes having four holes, into one of which
they blew with their nostrils. Cook's criticism of the
performance is hardly complimentary, he says: ^*The
music and singing were so much of a piece that I
was very glad when it was over." They waited till
about noon the next day, in hopes to secure some meat
and the return of the things that were stolen, but were
disappointed, though Dootahah promised he would
bring all to the ship — *'a promise we had no reason to
expect he would fulfil."

The important day was now rapidly approaching on
which the event they had travelled so many thousand
miles to observe was to take place, and everything was
in readiness. In order to diminish as much as possible
the risk of disappointment through local atmospheric
disturbance, Cook sent a party to Eimeo, or York Island
as he names it, and a second one to the south-eastern

viii] TRANSIT OF VENUS ui

part of Otaheite, as far to the east of Point Venus
as they could conveniently get. The first party con-
sisted of Lieutenant Gore, Messrs Banks, Sporing and
Monkhouse, and the second of Lieutenant Hicks,
Messrs Gierke and Pickersgill, Master's - Mates, and
Mr Saunders, Midshipman. Mr Green provided the
necessary instruments.

At Fort Venus the instruments had been in position
since nth May, and everything was in good working
order. The astronomical clock was set up in the large
tent, being placed in a strong wooden frame, made for
that purpose at Greenwich, and was then planted in the
ground as firmly as possible and fenced round to guard
against accidental disturbance. Twelve feet away the
Observatory was placed, comprising the telescopes on
their stands, the quadrant fixed securely on the top of
a large cask of wet sand firmly set in the ground, and
the journeyman clock. The telescopes used by Cook
and Green were the two reflecting ones made by Mr J.
Short.

*^The 3rd of June," says Cook, ** proved as favour-
able to our purposes as we could wish. Not a cloud
to be seen the whole day and the air was perfectly clear,
so that we had every advantage we could desire in
observing the whole passage of the Planet Venus over
the Sun's Disk. We very distinctly saw the atmosphere
or Dusky Shade round the body of the Planet, which
very much disturbed the time of contact, particularly the
two internal ones. Dr Solandei observed as well as
Mr Green and myself and we differ'd from one another
in observing the times of contact much more than could
be expected. Mr Green's telescope and mine were of
the same magnifying power, but that of the Doctor was
greater than ours. It was nearly calm the whole day,
and the thermometer exposed to the sun about the
middle of the day rose to a degree of heat we have not
before met with."

In the report to the Royal Society, published in the

122 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

** Philosophical Transactions," he also refers to the great
heat :

** Every wished for favourable circumstance attended
the whole of the day, without one single impediment
excepting the heat, which was intolerable ; the ther-
mometer which hung by the clock and was exposed
to the sun, as we were, was one time as high as 119°."

This report is accompanied by diagrams illustrating
the appearance of the different contacts and the effects
of the penumbra. Cook thought that Solander saw the
penumbra better than either he or Green. It was
estimated at about seven-eighths of the diameter of the
planet, and was visible to Cook throughout the whole
of the Transit.

The times of the Transit as taken by Mr Green were
as follows :

The first external contact .

. 9^- 25' 42'' A.M.

,, ,, internal contact.

. 9^- 44' 4'' A.M.

,, second internal contact

. ^^- 14' 8'' P.M.

,, ,, external contact

. 3^. 22' 10" P.M.

The two other parties were equally successful, and
at times Mr Banks was able to employ himself most
usefully in trading with the natives with whom he soon
got on friendly terms. After a time he was compelled
to decline further business, as they had purchased quite
as much as it was possible for them to take away in the
boats. He was also very successful in his botanical
enquiries, obtaining several plants that he had not seen
in Otaheite.

Whilst the officers of the expedition were employed
in the important duty of taking these observations, some
of the crew broke into the store and stole a considerable
quantity of the large nails that were used as a medium
of trade with the islanders. One man was found with
seven in his possession, and after careful enquiry was

VIII.] DINNER OF DOG'S FLESH T23

sentenced to two dozen lashes, which seems to have
been the severest sentence meted out by Cook to any
of his men during the voyage. The sentence was duly
carried out, and though it was well known that more
than one was concerned in the robbery, he refused to
implicate any one else, and suffered in silence.

The King's Birthday being on the 5th June, Cook
entertained several of the chiefs at dinner, and the health
of ^^Kilnargo," the nearest they could get to King
George, was toasted with great gusto ; and by some of
them was repeated so often that the result was disaster
to themselves. One of the presents received from the
chiefs was a dog, which they were informed was good
to eat, and after some discussion it was handed over
to the tender mercies of a man named Tupia, who
had made himself very useful, and who afterwards
accompanied them on their voyage. He first of all
smothered it with his hands, and having drawn it,
wrapped it in leaves and baked it in a native oven.
With some little hesitation it was tasted, and met with
general approval. Cook says : ** Therefore we resolved
for the future never to despise dog flesh ; " and in another
place he says they put dog's flesh '* next only to English
lamb." These dogs were bred for eating, and lived
entirely on vegetable food, and both Cook and Banks
appear to have had considerable doubts if all dogs
would have been equally good.

On one occasion the camp was visited by a chief
named Oamo, the husband of Oborea, a woman who
was looked upon by Wallis, at the time of his visit,
as queen of the island, but who had, in some way that
Cook could not understand, fallen from her high
position. She was at this time separated from Oamo,
and it seemed to have been no unusual thing for
married people to choose another partner ; and though
Oborea was living with her second choice, the fact
appeared to have nothing to do with her loss of status.

124 1769-- SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

Oamo was accompanied by a youth, his son, who was
carried on men's shoulders, and at whose appearance all
the natives immediately uncovered their bodies down
to the waist. This was a mark of the greatest respect,
and the travellers were informed that this youth was the
king of the whole island.

The main object of their stay at Otaheite having
been satisfactorily attained, steps were taken for a
further prosecution of their voyage ; the ship was
careened, her bottom scraped, examined, and found to
be quite free from worm, but the boats had suffered,
particularly the long boat, which had to have a new
bottom put in. She had been varnished only, whilst
the other boats which had been painted with white
lead had not suffered so much. The ship's stores
were overhauled, and she was fitted for sea. Whilst
these preparations were going on. Cook and Banks
made a circuit of the island in the pinnace, proceeding
by the east side, for the purpose of examining and
sketching the coast. Several good anchorages were
found between the reefs and the mainland, having from
sixteen to twenty-four fathoms of water, and good hold-
ing ground. The place where the two ships, that
were afterwards found to have been De Bougainville's,
had anchored and watered, was pointed out, but no
remains by which they could be identified were found.
The south-east portion of the island was almost divided
from the mainland, the junction being a narrow marshy
isthmus about two miles in width, over which the
natives were able to drag their canoes with but little
difficulty. On the south side of the island one of the
large burying places, such as had already excited their
curiosity, was seen. It was by far the most extensive
one on the island, and is described by Cook as

** a long square of stonework built pyramidically ; its
base is 267 feet by 87 feet ; at the Top it is 250 feet by
8 feet. It is built in the same manner as we do steps

vni.] A MORAI 125

leading up to a sun-dial or fountain erected in the
middle of a square, where there is a flite of steps on
each side. In this building there are 11 of such steps;
each step is about 4 feet in height, and the breadth
4 feet 7 inches, but they decreased both in height and
breadth from the bottom to the Top. On the middle of
the Top stood the image of a Bird carved in wood,
near it lay the broken one of a Fish, carved in stone.
There was no hollow or cavity in the inside, the whole
being filled up with stones. The outside was faced
partly with hewn stones, and partly with others, and
these were placed in such a manner as to look very
agreeable to the eye. Some of the hewn stones were
4 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 4 inches, and 15 inches thick,
and had been squared and polished with some sort of an
edge tool. On the east side was, enclosed with a stone
wall, a piece of ground in form of a square, 360 feet by
354, in this, was growing several cypress trees and
plantains. Round about this Morie was several smaller
ones, all going to decay, and on the Beach, between
them and the sea, lay scattered up and down, a great
quantity of human bones. Not far from the Great
Morie, was 2 or 3 pretty large altars, where lay the scull
bones of some Hogs and Dogs. This monument
stands on the south side of Opooreanoo, upon a low
point of land about 100 y^^. from the sea. It appeared
to have been built many years and was in a state of
decay, as most of their Mories are."

Cook was unable to obtain any satisfactory informa-
tion as to these historical remains, or of the religious
belief of the inhabitants of the island ; but he thought
that there was ground for assuming that they did
believe in some Supreme Power, to whom they made
peace offerings of food, etc., and they appeared to have
some vague ideas of a future life.

The party returned to Point Venus, to find the
refitting of the ship nearly completed, but owing to the
ravages of the sea worms, the anchor stocks had to
be replaced, and so Mr Banks and Dr Monkhouse
utilised the spare time in making an excursion up the
river on which the camp was situated. After about

126 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

nine miles, they found the sides of the valley, which
had become very precipitous as they ascended, had
completely closed in upon them, and the river, fall-
ing over a cliff at least 100 feet high, completely
blocked any further ascent. The natives, by whom
they were accompanied, said they had never been any
further, and as the climb seemed very difficult, if not
impossible, they were obliged to return, having learnt
very little of the interior, except that the island was of
volcanic origin. Charles Darwin, in 1835, made an
attempt to ascend the same river, and, though he
succeeded in penetrating some distance further, he
describes the country as extremely difficult. He
passed several places where two or three determined
men could have easily held at bay many times their
own number.

Some two or three of the sailors were either decoyed
away from the ship and detained, or else attempted to
desert, so Cook seized the persons of one or two chiefs,
with the result that his men were quickly handed over
to him.

During the stay of the Endeavour^ gardens were laid
out and sown with such European seeds as melons,
oranges, lemons, limes, mustard, cress, etc., etc., and
were very fairly successful ; but the seeds that Cook had
brought in sealed bottles did not turn out well.

On leaving the island. Cook records that, during
their stay of three months, they had been on very good
terms with the natives, and the few misunderstandings
that did occur were caused either by the difficulty of
thoroughly explaining matters to each other, or to the
inveterate habits of theft on the part of the natives — iron
in any shape being simply irresistible. Several of the
islanders were most anxious to go away with the ship,
and at the urgent request of Banks, Cook consented to
take one named Tupia, who has been mentioned before
as having made himself very useful, and who was able

I

viii.J AT HUAHEINE 127

to understand them fairly well from having been so
much with them. He was supposed to be of priestly
rank, and was accompanied by a boy as servant.

Between eleven and twelve o'clock on 13th July, the
Endeavour made sail from Otaheite for some other
islands of the group, and, on the 17th, anchored inside
the reef on the north-west of Huaheine. Banks,
Solander, Monkhouse, and Tupia accompanied Cook
ashore, and a ceremonial, presumed to be a sort of
treaty of peace, was gone through, in which presents
were exchanged between Tupia and some of the natives,
and then the party were allowed to go wherever they
liked. Of this ceremony Cook says :

*' It further appear'd that the things which Tupia
gave away, was for the God of this people, as they
gave us a hog and some cocoanuts for our God, and
thus they have certainly drawn us in to commit
sacrilege, for the Hog hath already received sentence
of Death and is to be dissected to-morrow."

When the introductory ceremony was completed,
Cook set about a hurried survey, and Dr Monkhouse
organised a market, but at first was not very successful ;
however, when the natives understood that the stay of
the ship would be very short they managed to produce a
fair supply of the usual trade, such as bananas, cocoanuts,
yams, etc. The flora and fauna were found to be almost
identical with those of Otaheite, excepting that the men
were rather lighter in colour, and were certainly not so
addicted to thieving. As a memorial of his visit. Cook
presented the chief with a plate bearing the follow-
ing inscription : *^ His Britannick Majesty's Ship,
Endeavour^ Lieutenant Cook, Commander, i6th July,
1769, Huaheine." This plate was accompanied by
^*some medals, or counters of the English coins, struck
in 1 761, and other presents"; the recipient promising
that he would never part with them.

After leaving Huaheine the expedition made for

128 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap.

Ulietea (Raiatea), where they landed on the 21st, and
after a ceremony similar to that performed by Tupia
at the former island, the English Jack was hoisted and
possession taken of the whole group of islands in the
name of His Britannic Majesty.

Cook describes the anchorage as extending almost
the whole length of the island, defended from the sea
by a reef of coral rocks, and capable of holding any
number of vessels in perfect security. Tupia turned
out to be most useful as a pilot ; he showed great
knowledge of the localities, and having sent a diver
down to ascertain the exact draught of the ship whilst
at Huaheine, he was particularly careful that, if he
could help it, she never went into less than five fathoms
of water. He had evidently had considerable experience
in navigating these waters in canoes, boats of whose
construction and sailing qualities Cook speaks in
the very highest terms. Banks remarks at this time,
**we have now seen 17 islands in these seas, and have
landed on five of the most important of these ; the
language, manners, and customs agreed most exactly."

Being detained by an adverse wind near the island
Ataha, Cook sent a boat under the command of the
Master, who was accompanied by Mr Banks and
Dr Solander, to sound the entrance through the reef,
ascertain the depth of water and nature of the ground
at the anchorage, and to try and enter into communica-
tion with the inhabitants. They remained away all
night, returning the next evening, and reported that
they had found a good harbour with from sixteen to
twenty-five fathoms of water and good holding ground.
The natives had also proved willing to trade, and they
brought back two hogs, a few fowls, and large quantities
of plantains and yams.

Finding the water was coming in rather badly in
the fore sail-room and powder-room. Cook put into
the west side of the island to repair, and at the same

VIII.] A THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENT 129

time took in more ballast as the ship was too light to
carry sail upon a wind. Whilst the crew were employed
in putting things to rights, he went to the northwards
to survey in the pinnace with Banks and Solander.
Calling in at one place, near a village, they were well
received and entertained with music and dancing, but
Cook's verdict was that ** neither their Musick or
Dancing were at all calculated to please a European."
A sort of farce was also acted, but it was so short
they could gather nothing from it, still it *' shewed
that these people have a notion of Dramatick Perform-
ances." Some of the visitors saw another play the
next day which they understood was a description
of a war between two of the islands, but it was not
very intelligible to them.

During the whole of the stay in the Society Group
they had been very well off for fresh food, and in
consequence their sea stores had been but little called
upon.

Jarvis, in his *^ History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich
Islands," says that with Cook '^a silence in regard to
the maritime efforts of his predecessors is observable
throughout his journals ; " and as a proof that he traded
on the knowledge of others, he remarks that when at
Otaheite, he made enquiries as to whether there were
any islands to the north ; and afterwards evinced no
surprise when he discovered them. Cook in his
journals constantly shows that he compares his know-
ledge with that of others of which he had any records ;
and that he made enquiries at Otaheite as to there
being any islands to the north is undoubtedly true. It
is also true that he enquired if there were any to the
east, south, or west, and no doubt he made the same
enquiries wherever and whenever it was possible for
him to do so, for he would not have considered himself
fit for the position he held had he neglected such a
very ordinary, common-sense proceeding. It is said

I30 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. viii.

that Tupia was able to enumerate about one hundred
and fifty islands that he knew of in the immediate
vicinity of Otaheite, and in the British Museum is a
nicely executed sketch map, drawn by Cook from
Tupia's descriptions. On it are some sentences in the
Otaheitan language.

CHAPTER IX

1 769- 1 770 — NEW ZEALAND

Leaving the Society Islands on 9th August they found
themselves on the 14th off the Island of Ohetiroa
(Rurutu), one of the Austral Group, and the pinnace
went ashore with Lieutenant Gore, Banks, and Tupia
to try and obtain information as to other islands in
the neighbourhood. It returned the next day without
any of the party having landed, as the conduct of the
islanders appeared unfriendly, and Cook had given
very strict orders for them to run no risks. They
reported that a canoe came out to the pinnace, and
the occupants were presented with beads, nails, etc.,
and then appeared to come to the conclusion that
they had a right to help themselves. Some musket
shots were fired over them, and by a mischance one
was slightly wounded in the head, whereupon they
beat a hasty retreat, and any further attempt at com-
munication had to be abandoned. From this place
a course was taken towards the south so as to strike
the much-talked-of Southern Continent. They very
soon got into colder weather, and the pigs and fowls
they had obtained in the islands began to sicken and
die. On 26th August they celebrated the anniversary
of the day they sailed from England by cutting a
Cheshire cheese and tapping a cask of porter, which
was in excellent condition.

On the 28th they had a most unfortunate death
on board ; the boatswain's mate, John Reading, was

131

132 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

given some rum by his chief, and it is supposed that
he drank it off at once, for he was shortly afterwards
found to be very drunk and was taken down to his
berth ; but in the morning he was speechless and
past recovery.

On the 29th a comet was observed in the north
which Tupia was convinced was a sign that betokened
ill-luck to his people.

On 2nd September Cook determined to turn again
towards the north as they were in latitude 40° 22' S. ;
the weather was very bad, and *' having not the least
visible signs of land." He hoped by this means to
get better weather and intended to push to the west
whenever the wind permitted him to do so. The
continuous swell that they encountered, rolling up from
the south, convinced him that there was no large body
of land in that direction for many leagues. During
the run to the south, the food, with the exception of
the bread which was full of weavil, was keeping very
well, and the water, which as a rule was almost the
first thing to develop signs of decay, was said to be
as bright and good as when put on board at Otaheite.

Towards the end of September frequent signs were
noted of the neighbourhood of land, such as floating
seaweed, wood, the difference in the birds flying
about the ship, etc. Parkinson says that to stimulate
an extra bright look-out. Cook promised a gallon of
rum to the first one who should sight land. He also
notes that on ist October that ** though we had been
so long out at sea, in a distant part of the world, we
had a roasted leg of mutton, and French beans for
dinner, and the fare of Old England afforded a grateful
repast." They had still seventeen sheep left.

On 7th October land was sighted, which proved
to be the North Island of New Zealand, never before
approached by Europeans from the east. Tasman
had discovered the west coast in the year 1642 and

IX.] TASMAN'S EXPERIENCE 133

gave it the name of Staten Land, but he never set
foot on shore. He was on board the Heemskirk^ and
called the captain of his consort, the Zeehaan^ on
board in order to consult with him about attempting
a landing. The Commander of the Zeehaan^ thinking
that some canoes in their immediate neighbourhood
were getting rather dangerous, sent a boat with seven
hands in it to warn the senior officer. When about
half-way between the two ships, the boat was charged
by a canoe, and its occupants were attacked by the
natives. Three of the men were killed outright and
one mortally wounded, whilst the remaining three
were thrown into the water and were with difficulty
rescued by the boats of the Heemskirk, Tasman
named the scene of the occurrence Massacre Bay (now
Golden Bay), and making no attempt to land, sailed
along the north-west coast, giving to several prominent
headlands the names they retain to this day. He
landed on the Three Kings Islands, but seeing a
considerable number of the inhabitants apparently
preparing to offer opposition, he thought it best to
retire. Dalrymple had always held that this discovery
of Tasman was the west coast of a southern continent,
the Terra Australis Incognita, but this theory was
now shattered by Cook. Some writers hold that the
east coast had been visited by those persevering
navigators the Portuguese, sailing from South America,
and say that some of the names on the east side being
Portuguese is a proof of the fact ; unfortunately, a
close search of the best maps does not disclose any
Portuguese names.

The first one to sight the land was a boy, named
Nicholas Young, and Cook in his Journal says: **The
S.W. point of Poverty Bay, which I have nam'd
* Young Nick's Head ' after the Boy who first saw this
land." There has been some confusion about this
name, for in the muster roll of the Endeavour, when

134 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

leaving England, it does not appear, and Admiral
Wharton omits it from the list he publishes with the
Journal. Parkinson, however, says he was ''the
Doctor's boy," probably servant to Mr Perry, as Mr
Monkhouse's servant was named Jones. However,
this may be, Nicholas Young was on the ship in
some capacity, for, on i8th April 1769, he was entered
on the muster roll as A.B. in the place of ''Peter
Flower, D.D.," i,e, "discharged dead," and made his
first appearance the following day. He afterwards
attached himself to Mr Banks, and was to have accom-
panied him in the Resolution^ had not Mr Banks's share
in that voyage fallen through ; his name appears on
her books amongst Mr Banks's supernumeraries.

On nearing the coast a bay was discovered into
which the ship sailed, and let go her anchor near the
mouth of a small river, not far from the place where
the town of Guisborne now stands. Plenty of smoke
was seen, showing that the country was inhabited, and
in the evening the pinnace and yawl were manned and
armed, and a party under Cook himself landed on the
east side of the river. Seeing some natives on the
other bank and wishing to open communications.
Cook ordered the yawl into the river to ferry some
of the party across. The natives retreated, and Cook
followed them up for about 300 yards to some huts,
leaving four boys in the boat. Four of the Maoris
seeing them apparently an easy prey, tried to steal
on them, but were observed by those in the pinnace.
The coxswain called to the boys to drop down the river,
but the natives followed them up, and as they looked
dangerous the coxswain fired over their heads ; this
made them halt for a moment and look round, but
seeing nothing they again advanced and a second
shot was fired, at which they paid no attention ;
one raised his spear as if to throw it at the boys in
the yawl, and was at once fired on and killed ; and

IX.] MAORIS OPPOSE LANDING 135

the others at once retreated leaving the corpse behind.
As it was now getting dark Cook ordered a return to
the ship.

The next morning, seeing some men near the place
where they had landed the day before, Cook again
went ashore with an armed party, and with Banks
and Solander went forward to the brink of the river
in order to try and speak with the natives. Their
advance was received with a great flourish of weapons
and a sort of war dance. Cook and his two companions
retired to the boats, and landing the marines drew
them up about two hundred yards from the river, and
then advanced to it a second time with Mr Green,
Monkhouse, and Tupia. The latter spoke to the
natives ; and, greatly to the delight of the party, it was
found he could make himself understood. After a
little talk, one man, unarmed, swam across the river,
and was followed almost immediately by twenty or
thirty more with their weapons. Presents were given to
them, but they appeared dissatisfied, and were anxious
to receive some arms instead. One stole Mr Green's
hanger, and they all became very insolent and aggres-
sive ; and more were noticed to be preparing to cross
the river. Considering that the position of his party
was getting serious, and that some decisive action must
be taken, Cook ordered the man who had taken the
hanger, and who apparently was the leader, to be shot,
whereon the remainder beat a hasty retreat.

The next day the boats rowed round the head of
the bay in hopes of finding a landing-place, but the
surf was too heavy. Seeing two canoes coming in
from the sea. Cook determined to intercept them, make
presents to the occupants, and then let them go, and
in this manner convince them that he wished to be
on friendly terms with them. However, as the canoes
did not stop when called on, he ordered a musket to
be fired over them, but this turned out to be most

136 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

unfortunate, for as soon as the natives heard the shot
they seized their weapons and fiercely attacked the
nearest boat, the crew being obliged to fire in self-
defence, and Cook says two of the natives were killed.
Banks gives the number as four, which is also the
number given by the Maoris themselves. One was
wounded, and three jumped overboard with the intention
of swimming ashore, but were picked up by the boats
and taken on board ship. They were at first very
depressed, but soon recovered their spirits on finding
themselves well treated ; and after eating and drinking
enormously, they entertained the crew with songs and
dances. Cook relates this incident with evident regret,
and candidly confesses that he was not justified in trying
to seize the canoes, but having once committed himself,
he felt obliged, for the safety of his own people, to go on
to the bitter end. Banks says the day is ''the most
disagreeable my life has yet seen ; black be the mark
for it, and heaven send that such may never return to
embitter future reflection."

The next morning a party was sent on shore to
cut wood, and was shortly afterwards followed by Cook,
Banks, Solander, Tupia, and the three captives. On
landing they tried to persuade their prisoners to leave
them and to join their own friends, but had great
difficulty in getting them to do so, as they professed
to be afraid of being eaten. At length they went off
a short distance and hid in some bushes, and Cook,
seeing several parties marching towards him in a
threatening manner, retired to his woodcutters on the
opposite side of the river. As soon as they had crossed,
the natives gathered on the other bank to the number
of from 150 to 200 fully armed men. Tupia was put
forward to parley, and some presents w^ere shown, and
at length one man came over, and having received a
present from each one of the party, rejoined his friends
on the other side. Cook then thought it better to

IX.] NATIVE ACCOUNT OF LANDING 137

return to the ship with the three youths, who seemed
to be afraid of their countrymen. As it was intended
to sail on the following morning, these men were again
landed, still professing great fear, but they were soon
afterwards seen walking away in apparently friendly
converse with the others who had come down to meet
them.

Mr Polack, who resided for some years in that part
of New Zealand, gives an account in his **New
Zealand," of the landing of Cook in Poverty Bay,
which he gathered from the children of the natives who
took part in the opposition. He says, that on first
seeing the ship, they thought it was a very large bird,
and they were particularly struck by the size and beauty
of its wings, the sails. When they saw an unfledged
young one — a boat — leave its side, filled with human
figures of different colours, they thought it was a
household of deities. The tribe then living in the
neighbourhood were only recent arrivals, having driven
out the former occupants, their leader being Te Ratu —
the first man who was killed by the English. The
other natives were most anxious to avenge him, but
were greatly alarmed by the power their unwelcome
visitors had of killing at a long distance by means of
a thunderbolt. Some of them even declared that they
felt ill if they were looked at fixedly by one of the
white men. The deliberations on the subject of the
revenge to be taken were only put a stop to by the
ship leaving the bay. Mr Polack's principal informant
was the son of a man who had been wounded in the
shoulder by a musket ball, but who survived his wound
till within a year or two of 1836, the time when the
information was obtained. Before the ship left, a sort
of peace was patched up by means of presents, and
the dead bodies, which had remained exposed to view,
apparently as a protest, were removed.

Cook describes the country as a narrow slip of low

138 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

sand, backed by well-wooded hills, rising in the interior
to high mountains, on which patches of snow could
be seen. That it was fairly populated was evident
from the smoke rising through the trees, more
especially in the valleys leading down to the bay, to
which he gave the name of Poverty Bay, as they were
unable to get anything they required except a small
quantity of wood.

It was now determined to follow down the coast to
the southward as far as 40° or 41° S., and then, if
nothing of a more encouraging nature turned up, to
return along the coast again to the north. Being
becalmed on the 17th, several canoes came round the
ship, and some of the occupants were with but little
difficulty persuaded to come on board. Some little
bartering was done, but, as they had not come off
prepared to trade, only clothing, arms, and paddles
could be obtained. After some two or three hours the
canoes went away, leaving by mistake three of their
men on board. These did not seem particularly
alarmed by the desertion of their friends, but made
themselves comfortable, and next morning, two other
canoes having approached the ship, they got a passage
ashore. As the ship made its way south, a good
many natives were seen watching her progress, and
several patches of cultivated ground were noticed.

After passing the Island of Portland, so called
from a fancied resemblance to its English namesake,
they were followed by four canoes in a threatening
manner, and, as Cook thought he would have to send
out his boats to sound, he was anxious to get rid of
them. A musket was fired without producing any
effect, so a gun was got ready and discharged a little
wide of them, upon which the Maoris shook their
spears in defiance, but thought it wiser to move off; and
the Endeavour soon afterwards came to anchor in a
large bay which was named after Sir E. Hawke. The

IX.] COOK OUTWITTED 139

country was very hilly, yet pleasant and fertile in
appearance ; but owing to bad weather they had very
little opportunity of seeing it. They were visited by
canoes, and succeeded in purchasing some fish, which
proved not to be in very good condition, but as it was
the beginning of business relations with the natives, no
great attention was paid to its quality. Whilst this
attempt at trading was going on, a large armed war
canoe came alongside the ship, and the occupants were
presented with some cloth and other gifts that were
thought likely to be acceptable. Cook noticed that one
of the warriors had on a garment made of some black
skin something like a bear, and wished to purchase it.
He offered a piece of red cloth in exchange, and the
owner of the cloak took it off as if prepared to make a
deal, but would not surrender it till he had the red cloth
in his hands ; when it was given him the canoe was
pushed off from the ship — and Cook lost both his cloak
and his cloth. Soon after, some more canoes came up
with fish for sale, and, as Tupia's servant, a boy named
Tayeto, was handing some things over the side of the
ship, he was seized by the New Zealanders, who refused
to give him up. Every means for his recovery was
resorted to without proceeding to extremities, but was
of no avail ; at length, orders were reluctantly given
to fire on the canoe in which he was, and several of
her crew were hit, two being killed ; the boy, seeing
his chance, jumped into the water, swam to the ship,
and was picked up by one of her boats. In memory
of the attempted abduction, the point of land near
which it occurred was named Cape Kidnapper. As
there appeared no probability of meeting with a good
harbour, and the face of the country became less
promising. Cook, on reaching a point he named Cape
Turnagain, in 40° 34' S., altered the course to the
north to see if anything better could be found in that
direction.

I40 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

When off the Isle of Portland, a canoe with five men
in it came alongside, and the occupants were invited
on board ; two appeared to be chiefs, and the other three,
servants. They were so well treated that they ignored
all hints about going ashore, made themselves at home,
and stayed all night ; the two chiefs would neither eat
nor drink, but the other three tried everything that
was offered to them ; they were at length landed near
Cape Table. Several more canoes were seen making
for the ship, but, as the wind was very favourable.
Cook would not delay. After passing a remarkable
headland, which received the name of Gable End
Foreland, they anchored in a small bay, and, as the
natives appeared inclined to be friendly, they landed to
obtain water ; but the surf was so heavy that they could
not get full casks on board, and so had to be content with
only a small supply. A few sweet potatoes were
purchased, but it was too early in the season for them.
Banks and Solander added very considerably to their
collection of birds and plants, and a plentiful supply of
wild celery was obtained for the use of the crew. Cook
says that as this bay ** hath nothing to recommend it, I
shall give no description of it."

It was noticed that all the canoes seen along this
part of the coast were very well made, far in advance of
anything they had seen before ; the grotesque carving
and ornamental work were most admirably executed.
The dresses worn by the natives consisted chiefly of two
cloak-shaped garments, one worn round the loins and
the other over the shoulders ; they were made of a
material like hemp, and amongst those of the highest
rank were very fine. Some of the garments resembled
those worn by the South American Indians, and were
as fine or finer in texture than those purchased by
Banks at Rio de Janeiro for thirty-six shillings, which
he had thought to be very cheap. Some of the cloaks
were ornamented with dog-skins ; these animals were

IX.] A NATURAL ARCHWAY 141

used as food, and, with rats, were the only quadrupeds
seen.

Whilst ashore here collecting, Banks and Solander
discovered a large natural arch which the former
describes as the most magnificent surprise he had ever
met with. It was sketched by Parkinson, and is
engraved in his Journal, and in the MSS. Room
at the British Museum is a very good pen and ink
drawing of it by Cook, which must have taken him
some considerable time to complete.

Working up the coast they were visited by some
natives who informed them that water could be obtained
in a bay from which they had previously been driven
by a contrary wind. They now succeeded in enter-
ing, and found fair anchorage in eleven fathoms, and
although the weather was unfavourable they managed
to obtain a good supply of water, some wood, and a
boatload of scurvy grass and wild celery. They were
also moderately successful in trading, for though they
only obtained a few curiosities, some fish, and a few
sweet potatoes, Cook thinks they were offered all that
could be spared. Some of them ascended one of the
neighbouring hills in hopes of getting a view of the
surrounding country, but the prospect was blocked by
higher hills behind. These hills were for the most
part barren except for a few ferns, but the valleys
between appeared well timbered, and samples of twenty
different kinds of trees were obtained, all of which were
unknown in Europe.

On 31st October they rounded East Cape, and
following the coast, which now trended more to the
west, they saw a great number of villages and patches
of cultivation ; some of the last appearing to have been
freshly ploughed. They had noticed several large fires
near Hawke's Bay, which they now concluded had been
made for the purpose of clearing the ground. The
whole aspect of the country was changing for the

142 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

better, and showed every sign of increased fertility ; but
the inhabitants did not seem more peaceably inclined.
Five canoes came out to meet the ship, the inmates
fully armed and appearing bent on mischief, and as
Cook was very busy at the time he ordered a musket
to be fired over them, in hopes to keep them off, but
it only caused them to stop for a hurried consultation,
without any sign of retreat, so a round shot was sent
over their heads which at once solved the difficulty, and
they hurriedly retired. The place was given the name
of Cape Runaway. An island in the north-west was
named White Island ; it is an active volcano, but at
that time must have been quiescent, as no remark as
to its nature is to be found. Cook again notes that
they **saw a great deal of cultivated land, laid out in
regular enclosures ; a sure sign that the country is both
fertile and well inhabited."

Following up the coast they met with forty or fifty
canoes, from which lobsters, conger-eels, mussels, and
other fish were purchased, and trading seemed to be
satisfactorily established, when one of the natives took
a fancy to Cook*s sheets, which were being towed over-
board ; they were in the wash. He refused to give
them up, so muskets were discharged over the canoes
and they all fled — but Cook did not recover his sheets.
Near here the first double canoe was seen, and some
information was obtained from its occupants, but they
did not appear altogether friendly, for they ^' staid about
the ship till it was dark, and then left us ; but not before
they had thrown a few stones." From near Whale
Island, where a good anchorage was found, they saw
a mountain which Cook named Mount Edgecombe,
after the sergeant in command of the marines. It is
a high round mountain which forms a conspicuous
landmark on both sides of the island. The double
canoe again came out to them and kept alongside the
ship for some time, and a long conversation was held

IX.] AN UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT 143

with Tupia; but at length the old game of stone
throwing was recommenced, so a musket was dis-
charged wide of them, and they decided to drop
astern. During the day they had noticed several small
villages perched on difficult eminences and surrounded
by palisades, which Tupia had declared to be ^'Mories
or places of worship," but says Cook, '^ I rather think
they are places of retreat or strongholds, where they
defend themselves against the attack of an enemy, as
some of them seem'd not ill design'd for that purpose."
The truth of Cook's surmise has been amply proved in
the New Zealand War, when British soldiers, in this
very neighbourhood, had good cause to recognise that
the Maori Pah was ^* not ill designed for that purpose."

Cook unfortunately missed the Harbour of Tauranga
— the only safe port on the east coast between Auckland
and Wellington for ships of any size.

A Transit of Mercury was to occur on 9th November,
which, under favourable conditions, would be visible
throughout its whole course in this part of the world,
so Cook desired to obtain an observation for the purpose
of checking his longitude. He put into a bay which
looked promising, and three canoes came out to meet
them. A sailor, thinking that they wanted to come
on board, threw out a line to them, but the only
recognition he received was a couple of spears thrown
at him ; however the discharge of a musket caused them
to sheer off. A large inlet becoming visible, Cook made
for it, accompanied by several more canoes which had
appeared, and anchored in seven fathoms. The canoes
then left them for the night, the occupants saying
that they would return in the morning and make an
attack on the ship, so an extra bright look-out was kept ;
and very fortunately, for, hoping to find an easy prey,
the Maoris returned sooner than they had intimated,
but finding they were discovered they had to retire
disappointed. Between five and six in the morning

144 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

several canoes came out, containing from 130 to 140
men, who after parading about for some three hours,
** sometimes trading with us, and at other times Tricking
of us,'* went off after having had a few shots fired over
them to expedite their movements.

Cook and Mr Molineux, the Master, went off with
two boats to take soundings, and to search for a more
convenient berth. Some canoes came to meet them, and
they were invited to land, but as the natives were all
fully armed. Cook contented himself with doing a little
trade, and proceeded with his exploration. A very
suitable anchorage was found in what is now known
as Cook's Bay, and the next day the ship was brought
up to it. The natives came out as usual, but their
behaviour was much improved ; two of them came on
board and were hospitably received, presents being
given them and some ready dressed fish purchased
from them. They seemed at last to have gained their
confidence, for they were able to buy plenty of fish,
which Cook describes as a kind of ^'Mackrell as good
as ever was eat." Banks says there were two sorts,
one exactly like the English mackerel. They obtained
really more than they could consume, but Cook ordered
all to be bought that was offered, in order to create a
good impression, and large quantities were salted down.
Parkinson makes a note of the cray-fish, which he states
were very fine and plentiful ; they were caught by the
women who dived for them in the surf on the rocks.
Wood, good water, and plenty of wild celery were also
obtained.

On the 9th Cook and Green went ashore with the
necessary instruments to observe the Transit of Mercury.
The day was most suitable, not a cloud to be seen,
which was particularly fortunate, as they had not had
a clear day for a long time. Mr Green observed the
commencement as Cook was engaged in taking the
sun's altitude to ascertain the time. Wharton thinks

IX.] THE WRONG SIDE OF THE SUN 145

that it had occurred a little earlier than they expected,
and in reality Cook was taken by surprise. Green
remarks: ''Unfortunately for the seamen, their look-
out was on the wrong side of the sun. The end was
likewise as grossly mistaken." The times given by
Cook are :

Commencement . . . 7^ 20' 58"
Green's Observations —

Egress, internal contact 12^ 8' 58") r.

„ external contact 12^ 9' ^^-jatternoon.
Cook's Observations —

Egress, internal contact 12^ 8' 45'') <.

, , external contact 1 2^ 9' 43-latternoon.

Whilst these observations were being taken, two
large canoes and three small ones went out to the
ship — one having as many as forty-seven people on
board. They at first seemed inclined to be hostile,
but after a talk with some others that were there selling
fish, they appeared to change their mind, and began
to trade their arms, etc. One having received a piece
of cloth from Mr Gore for a cloak he was wearing,
refused to complete the bargain, and instead of giving
up the cloak put off from the ship, the crew of his
canoe shaking their paddles in offensive defiance. Gore
took up a musket and fired at the delinquent, and, it
was believed, killed him. This was afterwards known
to be true. When Cook heard the account of the
occurrence, he expressed his strong disapproval of Mr
Gore's conduct. Colonel Mundy, in '' Our Antipodes,"
relates that he saw in 1848, an old man named Taniwha,
who remembered Captain Cook's visit, and imitated his
walk and the peculiar manner he had of waving his
right hand to and fro, and would relate with much gusto
in what a kindly manner Cook had placed his hand
on the children's heads. He stated to Colonel Mundy
that after the man was shot by Gore, the Maoris landed
and held a consultation over the body, and at length

146 1 769-1 77°— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

decided that as the dead man *' commenced the quarrel
by the theft of the calico, his death should not be
revenged, but that he should be buried in the cloth
which he had paid for with his life." Colonel Wynyard
also took down this same statement from Taniwha's own
lips in 1852, at which time he must have been about
ninety-three years old, but Colonel Wynyard says :
** His faculties were little impaired, and his great age
perceptible more from a stoop and grey hairs than
any other infirmity."

The next day Cook, accompanied by Banks, went
up a river near where they lay for a distance of four
or five miles to have a look at the country. On the
eastern side it appeared very barren, but on the west
it was very much better, though there were no signs
of cultivation. There were plenty of wild fowl, such
as ducks, curlews, and shags, some fish, and on the
rocks plenty of oysters and clams. The oysters, says
Banks, were *^as good as ever came from Colchester,
and of about the same size." A large quantity were
taken on board, and Banks continues,

**were laid down under the booms, and employed the
ship's company very well, who, I sincerely believe,
did nothing but eat them from the time they came on
board till night, by which time a large part were
expended. But this gave us no kind of uneasiness,
since we well knew that not the boat only, but the
ship might be loaded in one tide almost, as they are
dry at half ebb."

Cook thinks that the inhabitants lived on fish, and
shellfish, with fern roots for bread, as very large heaps
of shells were found, but no signs of any cultivation.

Cook, Banks, Solander, and some of the officers
of the ship went to inspect a fortified village they had
noticed on an eminence near, and were met by the
inhabitants and good-naturedly conducted over the
place, and shown all they expressed any wish to see.

IX.] A MAORI PAH ,^7

It was built on a high promontory, whose sides were
in some places quite inaccessible, in others very difficult,
except on the side where it faced the narrow ridge
of the hill. Here it was defended by a double ditch
and bank, with two rows of pickets, the inner row
being on the bank, and leaving standing room on
the top for the defenders. The inner ditch was
24 feet from the bottom to the top of the bank.
A stage about 30 feet high, 40 feet long, and 6
feet broad was erected inside the fence, and a second
one, a few paces from it, was placed at right angles;
from these the garrison were able to throw their
spears and stones on to the heads of their enemies.
The whole village was palisaded round with a strong
picket fence running close to the edge of the hill.
The entire surface of the hill-top was cut up into
small squares, each levelled and surrounded by its
own fence, and communicating by narrow lanes with
little gateways, so that if the outer defences were
forced, each square could be defended in its turn.
Cook says : ** I looked upon it to be a very strong
and well choose Post, and where a small number of
resolute men might defend themselves a long time
against a vast superior force, armed in the manner as
these people are." With quick eye Cook noticed the
great failing of these native fortresses, that is, the
want of any provision for a water supply or storage.
The strength of these Pahs has since been amply
proved against British arms, and the bravery with
which they have been defended against superior
numbers cannot be overlooked.

Previous to inspecting this fort, which had evidently
been selected for description as typical of the rest,
one had been seen on the summit of the pierced rock
discovered by Banks and Solander, of which both
Cook and Parkinson made sketches. It may be noted
that Parkinson's sketch is endorsed by another hand

148 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

as being in Queen Charlotte's Sound, but that is an
error, as that place had not been discovered at the
time the sketch was made. In these Maori villages
it was remarked that sanitary arrangements were
provided such as did not, says Beckmann in his
** History of Inventions," exist in the palace of the
King of Spain at that time.

After obtaining a large supply of wild celery and
another boat-load of oysters the Endeavour left Mercury
Bay, so called from the observation taken of that planet,
and not after the name of the ship on which he did
not serve, for the north ; but before sailing, the name
of the ship with the date and other particulars were
cut on a tree near the place where they had watered,
and formal possession was taken of the country in
the name of King George.

Large quantities of iron sand had been noticed here,
evidently brought down by every little stream that ran
into the bay ; but the use of this was quite unknown to
the natives, who preferred anything to iron tools or
spikes which had been such valuable media of exchange
elsewhere.

Running along the land as closely as the wind
would permit, they hauled round Cape Colville, named
after the Captain of the Northumberland^ and steered to
the south-west into '* the Entrance of a Straight, Bay or
River," and there anchored for the night, and at day-
light, the wind being favourable, they weighed and
stood on, keeping along the east side. Soon after
making sail three large canoes came off, and several
of the occupants came on board at the first invitation ;
they appeared to have heard of the ship and of the
way their countrymen had been treated. Each had
a present given him and after about an hour's stay
went off well satisfied with their reception. After
running about 5 leagues on the same course, the
water shoaled to about 6 fathoms, so they anchored.

"f] THE THAMES 149

and two boats were sent out to sound, one to one
side of the ship and the other to the other — the channel
being here about 11 miles wide. When the boats
returned with their reports, Cook decided not to risk
the ship any further, as no greater increase of depth
had been found than 3 feet. At daylight the next
day he set out with the pinnace and long boat, accom-
panied by Banks, Solander and Tupia, and found the
inlet ended in a river about 9 miles from where
the ship was anchored. This river was named the
Thames, from a fancied resemblance to its English
namesake. They saw some villages amongst the mud-
banks near the mouth, and, landing at one, were well
received by the inhabitants, but did not make any
long stay, as they wished to take advantage of the
flood tide which was setting in **as strong as it does
in the River Thames below bridge." They pushed
on till about noon, when, finding very little alteration
in the appearance of the country, and being now some
14 miles from the mouth, they landed to inspect
some large trees, such as they had seen several times
previously, but had had no opportunity of examining
closely. One was carefully measured and found to
be 19 feet 6 inches girth at 6 feet from the ground,
and by means of Cook's quadrant, the lowest branch
was ascertained to be 89 feet from the ground. It
was perfectly straight and tapered very little, and there
were some seen that were even larger. This tree is
known as the Black Pine, to the Maoris as Matai,
and to the botanist as Podocarpus.

Going down the river again, their friends of the
morning came out to meet them, and **traffick'd with
us in the most friendly manner imaginable, until they
had disposed of the few trifles they had." As the
boats got out of the river they met the flood tide and
a strong breeze, had to anchor, and did not reach
the ship till next morning, when, the breeze increasing

150 1 769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

to a gale, they were compelled to strike the top gallant
yards. When the gale had blown itself out, the wind
was not in the right quarter, so they dropped down
with the tide, anchoring when it turned. Cook went
ashore with the pinnace on the west side of the bay,
but found ** neither inhabitants nor anything else worthy
of note," and believed that the whole district was but
sparsely inhabited. Whilst he was away from the ship
a good many natives went off to her and traded,
behaving themselves very well indeed, with the excep-
tion of one man, who was caught making off with
the half-hour glass, and Mr Hicks, who was on deck
at the time, ordered him to be brought to the gangway
and given a dozen with the cat. When his friends
knew what this was done for, they expressed their
approval, and an old man gave the culprit another
beating when he got into his canoe. These natives
had adorned themselves by smearing their bodies, from
head to foot with red ochre and oil — a thing not seen
before.

The weather, which had now become very unsettled,
with strong gales and heavy squalls off the land,
prevented them from approaching near enough to
ascertain if the land they could see to the west consisted
of islands, or was still the mainland. They anchored
off a remarkable point, having several peaked rocks
ranged in order on its top, and some of the men
started fishing ; they secured in a remarkably short
time from ninety to a hundred bream, and to celebrate
their success Cook named the spot Bream Head.

On 26th November some villages and cultivated
spots were seen, and towards evening several canoes
came off,

*'some of the natives ventur'd on board ; to two, who
appear'd to be chiefs, I gave presents. After these
were gone out of the ship, the others became so
Troublesome that in order to get rid of them, we were

IX.] SIR PIERCY BRETT'S ISLAND AND CAPE 151

at the expense of two or three Musquet Balls, and
one 4-pound shott, but as no harm was intended them,
none they received, unless they happened to overheat
themselves in pulling on shore."

The next day the canoes came out again, and the
people were tolerably well behaved, but not inclined
to traffic. As many as one hundred and seventy were
alongside at one time, and a good many on board the
ship.

Sir Piercy Brett gives his name to Cape Brett,
for Cook says :

^* Near one mile from this is a small high Island or
Rock with a hole pierced through it like the Arch of
a Bridge, and this was one reason why I gave the
Cape the above name, because Piercy seem'd very
proper for that of the Island."

He was one of the Lords of the Admiralty who signed
Cook's appointment to the Endeavour, On the west
side of Cape Brett a large and deep bay was seen,
containing several small islands, but it did not receive
any name. The town of Russell is now established
near, and is said to possess one of the finest harbours
in the world, into which vessels of any draught can
enter in all weathers at any state of the tide. Speaking
of the natives of this district. Cook says that the
garments of the chiefs were of a better quality than
any they had yet seen, and few of them were tattooed
on the face like the ones further south. They ** would
not enter into friendly traffick with us, but would
cheat whenever they had an opportunity."

The wind was very contrary, and after plying to
windward for some time and being constantly carried
back every board they made. Cook ran into the Bay
of Islands again. As soon as they were anchored the
canoes surrounded them, and a few of the occupants
were admitted on board. To one of the chiefs a
present of broadcloth was given, and they behaved

152 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

tolerably well for a time. At length some of them
took a fancy to the anchor buoy and endeavoured
to take it away, so several musket shots were fired,
but with no effect, as they were not intended to hit
them. A charge of small shot was then fired at one
man, and they retired for a short distance to disperse
in haste when a big gun was fired over them. A
few were called back by Tupia, and showed a marked
improvement in their behaviour.

After moving the ship out into deeper water. Cook,
Banks, and Solander, with the pinnace and yawl, went
over to an island, and as soon as they landed the Maoris
left the ship and followed them, and they were quickly
surrounded by some two or three hundred natives who
began to behave in a most unfriendly manner. They
first attempted to seize the boats, but being disappointed,
tried to break in on the party, so Cook fired a charge
of small shot into one of the leaders, and Banks and
two of the men also fired, causing them to retire a
little. A chief was leading them on again, when Dr
Solander gave him a charge of shot which sent him
off, and the main body hesitated. Those on the ship,
seeing what was going on, fired a 4-pounder over them,
and there was a general stampede. This sharp lesson
— fortunately none of the natives were dangerously
wounded — was taken to heart, and during the remainder
of the stay there was no further unpleasantness. It is
quite evident that Cook's treatment of the natives
was as far as possible regulated by a thorough spirit
of justice, and at this place for a second time he
deals out punishment to some of his crew found com-
mitting offences against the Maoris. Three men were
sentenced to a dozen lashes each, for leaving their duty,
and stealing potatoes from one of the plantations.

Cook and the naturalists were able to land two or
three times and inspect the country. They found it
very similar to what had been met with before, and

ix.l TUPIA CRITICISES THE NATIVES 153

it appeared that the number of the inhabitants was
considerable, and that they were on good terms with
each other, though not all under the same chief, and
were inclined to be civil to their visitors, who were
permitted to go over a Pah, which Cook describes as
a *^ neat compact place and its situation well chosen.
There were two or three more near unto this, but these
we did not go to." A good deal of the ground was
cultivated, mostly planted with sweet potatoes. A
few trees of the paper-mulberry were seen, which the
natives appeared to value. They made a sort of cloth
with the bark like the Otaheitans, but the quantity
manufactured was so small that it was only used for
ornament. Tupia was instructed to obtain any informa-
tion which might throw a light on the probable history
of these people, and was told that some of their
ancestors once went off in large canoes and discovered
a country to the north-west. The passage took them a
month, and only a small number returned ; these said
they had been to a place where the people eat hogs,
using the same word as that used to designate the
animal in Otaheite. Tupia asked them if they had
any hogs, and they replied no. He then asked if their
ancestors brought any back with them, and again
received a negative reply ; whereon he told them
that their story must be a great lie, for their ancestors
could never have been such fools as to come back
without some. If there is any truth in this legend, the
land discovered may have been New Caledonia, as it
appears to be the only large island in the direction
mentioned within reach of a canoe.

On one of their days ashore, Messrs Banks and
Solander saw one of the men who had been wounded
when trying to steal the ship's buoy. A ball had
gone through his arm and grazed his chest ; he did not
seem to have any pain, and though the wound was
exposed to the air, it looked perfecdy healthy. They

154 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

tried to explain to him that he had had a narrow escape,
of which he seemed quite sensible, and he was greatly
pleased to receive a present of a musket ball like the
one by which he was wounded.

Whilst working out of the bay, the wind, which
was very light, dropped altogether, and the current set
them towards one of the islands, but by the assistance
of the boats they were just able to clear it. A journal,
said to have been compiled by Mr Banks from the
papers of Sydney Parkinson, says that the natives were
crowding on the shore, ^'flourishing their weapons,
exulting at our danger, and expecting us for their
prey." Banks says nothing about this in his own
Journal, nor is any mention of such a picturesque
incident to be found elsewhere. About an hour after,
seventeen fathoms was obtained with the lead, but
almost immediately the ship struck on a rock ; however,
she at once got clear without suffering any ' ' perceptible
damage." Soundings were again taken, giving five
fathoms, very soon increasing to twenty. The rock
was named the Whale Rock.

Owing to the wind being either adverse or very
light, the progress was slow, and they were unable to
keep close in ; but on loth December they managed to
get a little nearer than usual, and discovered two bays
separated by a low neck of land, which was named
Knuckle Point ; the first bay being called Doubtless Bay
and the second Sandy Bay. Of this last Cook says :

** There seems to be nothing that can induce shipping
to put into it, for no country upon earth can look more
barren than the land about this bay doth. It is in
general low, and the soil appears to be nothing but
white sand thrown up in irregular hills."

From the look of the land Cook concluded that it
was here very narrow and open to the sea on the
western side ; a conclusion he was soon able to verify.

IX.] DE SURVILLE AT NEW ZEALAND 155

There were some inhabitants seen notwithstanding the
desolate appearance of the place, and a few canoes
unsuccessfully put off for the ship.

Mr Forster says that when the Endeavour was
passing Doubtless Bay, M. de Surville was anchored
under the land, in the Saint Jean Baptiste, and saw the
Endeavour^ though himself unseen. In the account
of de Surville's voyage, published by the Acad^mie
Frangaise, it is stated that New Zealand was not sighted
till 1 2th December 1769, and, owing to bad weather,
no anchorage was obtained till the 17th, in a bay the
French named Lauriston Bay. No mention whatever
is made of the Endeavour having been sighted, and the
editor, M. L'Abbe Rochon, thinks that it is most
probable that neither of the navigators knew anything
of the movements of the other. De Surville mentions
having lost his anchors in a place he calls Double Bay,
during a storm which took place ^' about 22nd December,"
and may possibly be the one which Cook encountered
on 28th December when off the north end of the island.

On the 13th they met with a heavy gale, which blew
them out of sight of land for the first time since they
had been on the coast ; the main topsail was split and
had to be replaced, and the next day both fore and
mizzen topsails were lost, but they managed to reach
shelter under a small island off Knuckle Point. At
noon on the 15th the latitude was found to be 34° 6' S.,
land was visible to the south-west, and as a large swell
was encountered coming from the west. Cook concluded
this was the northernmost point of the island, accord-
ingly naming it North Cape.

After some days beating about against westerly
winds and a strong current he ran up to the north for
some distance, returning to the south on 23rd December,
and the following day sighted land in the south-east,
which proved to be the islands seen by Tasman, and
named the Three Kings. Here Banks killed several

156 i769-i77o~NEW ZEALAND [chap.

solan geese, which were made into a pie for Christmas
Day, and he says were ^* eaten with great approbation ;
and in the evening all hands were as drunk as our
forefathers used to be upon like occasions."

On the 27th Cook calculated that they were about
thirty leagues west of North Cape, and in about the
same latitude as the Bay of Islands ; but land was not in
sight, proving the correctness of his surmise as to the
narrowness of that part of New Zealand. The wind
now rose to such a degree that they had to bring to,
under the mainsail, but it moderated a little the next
day, and they ran in towards the land. Again it
freshened up, and at length blew a perfect hurricane,
accompanied by heavy rain and a *^ prodidgeous high
sea." On the 30th, the sea being still very high,
causing the ship to go greatly to leeward, they sighted
what Cook took to be Cape Maria Van Dieman, named
by Tasman, about six leagues off ; and the land was seen
to extend to the east and south. At noon, on the last
day of the year, their position is given as ^'34° 42' S.,
Cape Maria Van Dieman N.E. by N. about 5 leagues."
Of the weather encountered here Cook says :

**I cannot help thinking but what it will appear a
little strange that, at this season of the year, we should
be three weeks in getting fifty leagues, for so long is
it since we pass'd Cape Brett ; but it will hardly be
credited that in the midst of summer and in the latitude
of 35° S. such a gale of wind as we have had could have
hapned, which for its strength and continuance was
such as I hardly was ever in before. Fortunately at
this time we were a good distance from land, otherwise
it would have proved fatal to us."

On 2nd January 1770 Cook was able to fix the
position of Cape Maria Van Dieman, giving it as 34°
30' S., 187° 18' W. of Greenwich. Admiral Wharton
remarks that this is extraordinarily correct, seeing that
the ship was never close to the Cape, and the observa-

IX.} VEGETABLE SHEEP 157

tions were all taken in very bad weather. The latitude
is exact, and the longitude only three miles out. On
the 4th Cook thought he saw an inlet or entrance to
a bay, and ran in to make sure, but came to the
conclusion that it was some very low land "bounded
on each side by higher lands which caused the
deception." In this he was mistaken, for what he
saw was the entrance to Kaipara Harbour, one of the
few good ones to be found on the west coast. He
describes the land here as having a most desolate and
inhospitable appearance, nothing to be seen but long
sandhills with hardly any green thing upon them.
He considered it most dangerous, and says: "If we
was once clear of it, I am determined not to come so
near again if I can avoid it, unless we have a very
favourable wind indeed."

Soon after passing Albatross Point, on the nth, a
very high mountain was seen, "much resembling the
Peak of Teneriffe," its summit covered with snow, and
to it was given the name Mount Egmont. Wharton
gives its height as 8,300 feet and describes it as a
magnificent conical mountain surrounded on three sides
by the sea. Banks says that on the sides of the hills
near they could see with their glasses "many white
lumps in companies which bore much resemblance to
flocks of sheep." These appearances were due to a
peculiar plant which Hooker calls ^^ Rosulia mam"
millaris or an allied species," which is known in New
Zealand as "vegetable sheep." Fires were also noticed
on the shore, being the first sign of inhabitants seen on
the west coast.

On the 14th, believing himself to be in the mouth
of a large bay, the bottom of which could not be seen.
Cook ran in under the southern shore, and finding it
broken up into promising looking bays he determined
to run into one and careen the ship, as she was by
this time very foul ; and he also wanted wood and

158 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

fresh water. On the i6th the ship was towed into a
convenient place, now known as Ship Cove, in Queen
Charlotte's Sound, and was at once visited by canoes,
whose occupants, fully armed, commenced the acquaint-
ance by *^ heaving a few stones against the ship."
After a short conversation with Tupia some of the
natives ventured on board, but did not make a long
stay, and going back to their canoes paddled off. Cook,
accompanied by the ^* gentlemen," as he usually calls
the civilians, went ashore to look for water, and soon
found an excellent supply, ^*and as to wood the land
is here an entire forest." Whilst he was away the
crew got out the nets, and caught about 300 lb. of fish
of different kinds.

Some of the natives came off with fish which they
professed to wish to trade, but it was not good, and
though Cook, in hopes of opening the way to friendly
relations with them, ordered it to be bought, he soon
found they were more inclined to quarrel than trade ;
and as matters began to look threatening he determined
to get rid of them, especially as the ship was in an
awkward position, in case of serious disturbance, as she
was already hove down for cleaning. A charge of
small shot was fired at one of the greatest offenders and
had the desired effect of keeping them at a respectful
distance, and taught them in future to behave with
more, consideration.

The members of the expedition had for some time
suspected that the natives of New Zealand were addicted
to cannibalism, and now they had ocular demonstration
of the fact. A party went off in the pinnace, the day
after their arrival in Ship Cove, to inspect another place
near, and met with some Maoris who had evidently been
having a feast, and Cook obtained from one of them the
bone of a human forearm from which the flesh had
recently been picked, and was given to understand that
a few days previously a strange canoe had come to their

IX.] CANNIBALISM 159

country, and the crew had been captured and eaten.
It appeared that they only ate their enemies ; and also
that all strangers were considered as such. Several
times whilst wandering about, the crew found relics of
such feasts. Banks was able to purchase the head of
one of the victims, and found he had been despatched
by a blow on the temple which had fractured the skull.

The natives became more friendly as time went on,
and brought some very fine mackerel which they sold
for nails, pieces of cloth, or paper, **and in this Traffic
they never once attempted to defraud us of any one
thing, but dealt as fair as people could do." After a
time paper decreased in value, as they soon found it
would not stand the effects of water. Cook used every
endeavour to find out if they had any traditions of other
ships having visited the island, as he knew he was in
the neighbourhood of the place where Tasman first
sighted New Zealand ; but he was unable to obtain any
information on the subject. Wharton gives seventy
miles as the distance between Massacre Bay and Ship
Cove.

Very little could be seen of the surrounding country
as it was so thickly timbered, but the boats were
constantly out engaged in surveying. One day a party
started with the intention of going to the end of the
inlet, but after rowing for a considerable distance and
seeing no indication of their being able to effect their
purpose within a reasonable time. Cook determined
to land, and whilst Banks and Solander employed them-
selves collecting specimens, he and one of the crew
went up a hill to see if the end was visible from the
top. They found their view in the desired direction
was blocked by still higher hills which were too thickly
wooded for them to attempt. However, the trouble they
had taken was well repaid, for far away to the eastward
they saw that the seas which washed both the east and
west coasts of the northern island were here united.

i6o 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

His ship was in a bay in the straits, now known as
Cook's Straits ; and he had practically solved one of
the problems which he had left England to do. He
had proved that the Staten Land of Tasman, at any
rate as far as the northern part was concerned, was
an island and not a part of a great southern continent.
They could also see that some of the land in the inlet,
which had been taken for part of the mainland, was
separated from it ; and on the way back they were able
to verify much of this.

Cook judged that the population of this part of
the island was only scanty, and estimated the number
at between three and four hundred. The natives had
few, if any, cultivation patches and appeared to subsist
on fern roots and fish. They were evidently poorer
than those previously seen, and their canoes are
described as *'mean and almost without ornament."
They had some slight knowledge of the value of iron,
and readily took spike nails when trading, some pre-
ferring them to anything else. They preferred *' Kersey
and Broadcloth to the Otaheite cloth, Avhich shew'd
them to be a more sensible people than many of their
neighbours," says Cook.

An old man, who had previously paid them several
visits, came on board, and complained that a week
previously one of the ship's boats had fired on and
wounded two of the Maoris, one of whom was since
dead. On enquiry. Cook found that the Master and five
petty officers had gone to fish beyond the usual bounds
in the direction of one of the villages, and having been
approached in what they thought was a threatening
manner by two canoes, they fired to prevent them
coming too close. A second native flatly contradicted
the statement that any one had been killed, and, on
enquiry being made at the village in question, no
death could be heard of; but Cook very severely
condemned the firing as unjustifiable.

ix.J THROUGH COOK'S STRAIT i6i

Two posts were prepared with inscriptions giving
the ship's name and the date, one of which was set
up near the watering-place, and the other on a
conspicuous position on an island called Motuara,
permission having been obtained from the natives
who promised that they should always be preserved.
Possession was taken of this, the southern island, and
the king's health having been drunk in wine, the
empty bottle was presented to the old man who had
complained about the shooting, and he was greatly
delighted with his present. He also was given some
silver threepenny pieces dated 1763, and some spike
nails branded with the broad arrow.

As the ship had by this time been brought into
fairly good trim, her bottom clean, her sides freshly
caulked and tarred, the ironwork of the tiller overhauled
and repaired, more ballast taken on board, the rigging
put into thorough good order, and a plentiful supply
of wood and water obtained, Cook determined to push
through his newly discovered strait ; but unfavourable
weather detained them till the 6th February, and even
then a failing wind compelled them to anchor again
till next day. On getting out into the strait a very
strong current was encountered, which nearly drove
them on to a small island, and they had to let go the
anchor which did not hold them, but a fortunate change
in the current carried them clear. The southern point
of the North Island was named *'Cape Palliser, in
honour of my worthy friend Captain Palliser," and
the northern point of the South Island was called Cape
Campbell, after Captain John Campbell, F.R.S., who
had strongly supported Cook's appointment as observer
for the Royal Society.

After passing through the strait Cook at first steered
to the south, but finding that some of the people on
board were not satisfied that the North Island was not
part of a continent, he decided to set the matter at

L

i62 1 769-1 770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

rest, and though he was himself convinced, he turned
to the north and proceeded along the coast till Cape
Turnagain was recognised, when he once more changed
his course southwards. Banks says :

** At this time there were two parties on board, one
who wished that the land in sight might, and the
others that it might not, prove to be a continent. I
myself have always been most firm in the former
wish, though sorry I am to say that my party is so
small that there are none heartily of it than myself,
and one poor midshipman, the rest begin to sigh
for roast beef.'*

Following down the east coast of the South Island,
a piece of land which appeared to be separated from
the mainland was named Banks Island, but Cook seems
to have had some doubts as it is joined to the main-
land by dotted lines on his chart, and has since been
proved to be joined on by a neck of low land, and
is now called Bank's Peninsula. After passing here
Mr Gore thought he had seen land to the east, and
Cook, though he felt sure that it was improbable there
was anything of importance in that direction, made
a run out only to find Gore had been mistaken. On
their return to the coast, they expected to round the
south end almost immediately, as they understood from
the natives of Queen Charlotte's Sound that it was
only at a distance of four days for their canoes. Very
slow progress was made owing to the unfavourable
winds, but they managed several times to run close in,
and from what they were able to see of the country,
came to the conclusion it was very barren, with high
ranges in the interior, and but few evidences of
inhabitants. At last a favourable breeze sprang up
from the north, and they tried to make the most of
it, **and by that means carried away the maintop
gallant mast and foretop mast steering sail boom, but
these were soon replaced by others." A high bluff

I

IX.] A FORTUNATE ESCAPE 163

was named after Admiral Saunders, and near it were
several bays *' wherein there appear'd to be anchorage
and shelter from S.W., Westerly, and N.W. winds."
One of these is now known as Otago Harbour, the
port of the City of Dunedin.

On 26th February it began to blow from the west-
south-west, so they stood away to the southward. The
foresail was split to pieces, but shortly after the wind
moderated, only to blow again with increased fury
about daylight, accompanied by heavy squalls of rain,
and their main topsail went. The storm continued
for forty-eight hours before it gave signs of breaking,
and for half that time they lay to, heading to the south ;
at length they were able to bring her round, and
resumed their course to the south and west. After
having been lost for seven days, land was again sighted
in the neighbourhood of Cape Saunders on 4th March,
and at night a large fire was seen on shore. They
were now in the vicinity of the strait, now Foveaux
Strait, which separates Stewart from South Island,
but Cook was not yet sure of its existence. On the
6th, being satisfied that he had passed the most southern
point of the land, the course was altered to the west,
and he nearly ran on to a dangerous cluster of rocks
that lie a few miles to the south-east of Stewart Island,
and are almost wholly submerged, with deep water
all round. To these rocks he gave the name of The
Traps, and remarks, "It is apparent that we had a
very fortunate escape." Shortly afterwards they were
again blown off the land and lost their mizzen and mizzen
stay sails ; but on the weather moderating they picked
up the land again near the western end of Foveaux
Strait. Again they were blown down to the south and
picked up the land on the 14th near a bay which
Cook wished to enter, but their progress was so slow,
and darkness was coming on ; so, giving it the name
of Dusky Bay, he proceeded up the coast, contented to

i64 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap.

note that, if there was a sufficiency of water, it would
probably prove a good harbour sheltered from every
wind. Several of these inlets were seen, but Cook
would not risk entering them, for if he were successful
in getting in, he thought he might have considerable
difficulty in getting out again.

After passing Cascade Point, named from four
streams that fell over its face, the coast trended away
to the east, but soon resumed its northerly direction.
Here, although the weather was not cold, large
quantities of snow were seen on the hills. At Cape
Foulwind, as the name suggests, they were again
blown off their course, but soon recovered their position.
Describing the land, Cook says :

**No country upon earth can appear with a more
rugged and barren aspect than this does from the sea,
for as far inland as the eye can reach nothing is to be
seen but the summits of these rocky mountains, which
seem to lay so near one another as not to admit any
vallies between them."

When they had gone a little further, however, the
mountains retired from the sea, leaving a strip of land
which, from the amount of vegetation visible, was
judged to be very fertile. On the 24th they rounded
the northern point of the South Island, and on the 27th
Cook writes: ^*As we have now circumnavigated the
whole of this country, it is time for me to think of
quitting it." He thus signifies that he had carried out
to the fullest extent the second portion of his instruc-
tions : that is, he had completely determined the situa-
tion and nature of the land seen by Tasman in 1642,
and had in the most conclusive manner possible — by
sailing round it — proved that it was not the western
coast of a large continent as insisted on by Dalrymple
and others.

On the 28th he ran into Admiralty Bay to procure

IX.] NEW ZEALAND PRODUCTS 165

wood and water, and to refit as far as he possibly could
for the voyage homewards. His sails in particular
required a thorough overhaul, for Banks says that they
**were ill provided from the first, and were now worn
and damaged by the rough work they had gone through,
particularly on the New Zealand coast, and they gave
no little trouble to get into order again." Whilst the
necessary preparations were being carried out the sur-
rounding country was inspected ; a few deserted huts
were found, which had not been inhabited for some time,
but no further trace of any human beings. The two
points at the ends of Admiralty Bay were appropriately
named after the secretaries Stephens and Jackson.

The opinion of the botanical members of the
expedition was that European fruits, grain, etc., would
grow well, and that an agricultural population would
flourish. Timber of excellent quality was plentiful, and
Cook thought that though nothing suitable for masts
was seen, it was very probable that such might be found
in the future. The New Zealand flax was very
abundant, and was believed to promise considerable
commercial value. Fish was to be found in great
quantities — lobsters and oysters being specially remark-
able for both quality and quantity. No quadrupeds
except dogs and rats were seen, and birds were not
very plentiful. The minerals in Cook's opinion did not
appear of much value, but he admitted that he was
hardly capable of forming one, as it was a subject
of which he knew little. Banks noted that the few
people they saw on the South Island were apparently
of an inferior race to those on the North, the latter
were more closely allied to the Otaheitan type, and many
of their customs were similar, whilst their language was
practically identical, and Tupia had no difficulty in
making himself understood.

It seems that even at this time the subject of found-
ing a colony somewhere in the Southern Hemisphere

i66 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. ix.

had been under discussion, for Cook says that if a
settlement were decided on in New Zealand, he would
recommend the estuary of the Thames and the Bay
of Islands as the most suitable places for the purpose.

Speaking of his chart of New Zealand, Cook points
out frankly the places where he thinks he may have
fallen into error and gives his reasons for so thinking.
The opinions of others on the subject are worth record-
ing. M. Crozet, second to M. Marion du Fresne in
command of the French expedition that was out the next
year, speaks most highly of the work. He says :

** As soon as I obtained information of the voyage of
Cook, I carefully compared the chart I had prepared
of that part of the coast of New Zealand along which
we had coasted, with that prepared by Captain Cook
and his officers. I found it of an exactitude and of a
thoroughness of detail which astonished me beyond all
power of expression. I doubt whether our own coasts
of France have been delineated with more precision. I
think therefore that I cannot do better than to lay down
our track off New Zealand on the chart prepared by the
celebrated English navigator."

M. du Fresne was killed at the Bay of Islands in
1772.

Admiral Wharton says :

" Never has a coast been as well laid down by a first
explorer, and it must have required unceasing vigilance
and continual observation in fair weather and foul, to
arrive at such a satisfactory conclusion, and with such a
dull sailor as the Endeavour was, the six and a half
months occupied in the work (^2,400 miles of coast) must
be counted as a short interval in which to do it."

CHAPTER X

1 770 — AUSTRALIA

When everything was in readiness for his departure,
Cook consulted with his officers as to the best route
to take on the return voyage to England. His own
wish was to sail round Cape Horn in order to make
sure that there was no other large body of land in
the South Pacific Ocean, but taking into consideration
the time of year and the condition of his ship, he
recognised that it would be unwise to court disaster.
The same reasons held good against making direct
to the Cape of Good Hope, a course which would also
prevent any further discoveries of importance, as that
portion of the Ocean had been frequently traversed.

**It was therefore resolved to return by way of
the E. Indies by the following route. Upon Leaving
this coast to steer to the Westward until we fall in
with the E. coast of New Holland, and then to follow
the direction of that coast to the Northward or what
other direction it might take us, until we arrive at its
Northern extremity ; and if it should be found im-
practicable then to Endeavour to fall in with the
Land or Islands discovered by Quiros."

This extract from Cook's Journal, written before
he left New Zealand for the Australian coast, shows
that he made no claim to being the discoverer of
Australia, as is still taught in schools ; and it renders
the much discussed question as to whether he and
Banks knew of the existence of the ^'Dauphin Map,"

167

i68 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

one of absolutely no importance. From what can
now be ascertained, it seems most probable that Cook
never knew of its existence, and Banks not till some
years after his return from this voyage.

Cook did know that New Holland had been dis-
covered, and had in his possession records of some
of the pioneers who had touched on various points
of its coasts. He knew in which direction it lay from
where he then was ; and he knew that the information
about the country was scanty and unreliable, so he
determined, as far as in him lay, that these uncertainties
should be cleared away. His only claim, and a very
just one, is that he discovered and traced the course
of the eastern coast. Messrs Becke and Jeffery quote
the above paragraph from Cook's Journal, and yet
they contend that his connection with the discovery of
Australia **was accidental."

The direction to be taken having been thus settled
they got under weigh at daylight on 31st March 1770,
with a favourable south-easterly gale and a clear sky ;
steering a little to the north of west, they passed
Cape Farewell the day following, and were able to
keep their course. On i6th April they saw several
birds, which were recognised as belonging to species
only to be found in the immediate vicinity of land,
and in consequence the lead was kept going, but no
soundings were obtained with either the 100 or 130
fathom lines. On the 17th they were forced off their
course by a south - westerly gale, first standing to
the north-west, and then south, then north, and again
south. The weather soon cleared up and enabled them
to get several observations of both the sun and moon.
The next day a Port Egmont hen was seen, and was
looked upon as an infallible sign of the nearness of
land, and Cook remarks :

^* Indeed we cannot be far from it. By our Longitude
we are a degree to the westward of the east side of

X.] NEW SOUTH WALES SIGHTED 169

Van Dieman's Land according to Tasman, the first
discoverer's Longitude of it, who could not err much in
so short a run as from this land to New Zealand ; and
by our Lat. we could not to be above 50 or 55 leagues
to the Northward of the place where he took his depar-
ture from."

At six o'clock in the morning of 19th April 1770,
Lieutenant Hicks saw land extending from north-east
to west, distant five or six leagues. This was the
looked-for east coast of New Holland. As he could see
no land to the south where, from Tasman's Journal, he
expected to have done. Cook expressed a doubt as to
Van Dieman's Land being joined to New Holland, and
laid down a doubtful line on his chart. This doubtful
line remained on the charts till Bass solved the problem
by sailing through the strait which bears his name, and
at the entrance to which the Endeavour now was. Cook
particularly notes that he did not take Tasman's point
of departure from the existent charts, but from a
transcript of his Journal made by Dirk Rembrautse.

A low hill, the most southerly land in sight, was
named by Cook, Point Hicks, in honour of its discoverer,
and he gives its position as 38° o' S., 211° 7' W. Three
water-spouts were here seen a short distance from the
ship, and are remarkable for being the first mentioned
in the Journal. In turning towards the north a head-
land was passed, which Cook named the Ram's Head,
as it reminded him of a point at the entrance to
Plymouth Sound. The country is described as rather
low, not very hilly, covered with green woods, and the
sea-shore of white sand. The following day Cape
Howe was passed, named, and the position fixed as
37° 28' S., 210'' 3' W., which Admiral Wharton says is
almost exactly right. The country now is said to be
improving in appearance, it

**had a very agreeable and promising aspect, diversified
with hills and ridges, plains and valleys, with some few

I70 1 7 7o— AUSTRALIA [chap.

small lawns : but, for the most part, the whole was covered
with wood, the hills and ridges rise with a gentle slope :
they are not high, neither are there many of them."

Smoke proved the land to be inhabited, but no
natives were seen till after Cape Dromedary and
Bateman's Bay — the latter named after the second
Captain of the Northumberland — had been passed, when
some were seen on the shore ; but the distance was too
great for close observation. Near a curiously shaped
hill, which he named the Pigeon House, Cook wished
to land, but the wind shifted and a heavy swell
commenced rolling in, so he judged it would not be
safe to make the attempt. On passing Jervis Bay he
would have run in, but the wind was against him, and
he came to the conclusion that its appearance was not
sufficiently inviting to justify him in wasting time
trying to beat in.

On the 28th, an unsuccessful attempt was made to
land at a place that has been identified as being a little
to the north of the Five Islands, near Illawarra, but the
surf rendered the task too dangerous. Some natives
were seen fishing, but as soon as the boats approached
they ran away. At daylight the next morning a bay was
discovered, and the Master was sent in the pinnace to
sound the entrance, the ship following closely in his
wake; and on Sunday, 29th April 1770, H.M.S.
Endeavour anchored for the first time on the coast of
New Holland, about two miles within the entrance of
what Cook named Sting Ray Bay, but which is now
known as Botany Bay. The time when the name was
changed is disputed, but it seems probable that the
change was made some time after leaving the place,
when Messrs Banks and Solander had arranged their
collection of plants ; for though under the date 6th May,
Cook says: ^^The great quantity of plants Mr Banks
and Dr Solander found in this place occasioned my
giving it the name of Botany Bay," yet the logs of the

X.] THE FIRST LANDING 17,

other officers speak of it under its first name, and
Banks gives it no name till, in a general description
of the country, apparently written about the time they
were leaving Cape York, he refers to it under the
name of Sting Ray Bay.

On coming to an anchor, Cook, Banks, and Tupia
went on shore, and made an unavailing attempt, when
close in, to speak with some natives who were near, but
they all ran away except two, who seemed inclined to
oppose any landing, for they came towards the boats in
a threatening manner. Cook ordered a musket to be
fired over them, and they retired to where they had left
some spears which they picked up — and one of them
threw a stone at the boats. Upon this, as they were so
far away that no serious harm could be done. Cook fired
a charge of small shot at him. This caused him to run
off to a small hut near, pick up a wooden shield, and
return to take up his position alongside his comrade.
A couple of spears were thrown by the blacks and drew
a second discharge of small shot from the invaders,
upon which the defenders retired slowly ; and as Banks
suggested the possibility of the spears being poisoned,
they were not followed up. The natives were said to be
armed with ** wooden swords" as well as long spears,
but Banks conjectured that they were "a machine to
throw the lance," and in this he was probably correct,
as the ^' womerah " was used for that purpose almost all
over the island. It is a stick with a hook at the end,
and this hook fitting into a notch at the end of the spear
enables the latter to be thrown a great deal further than
by hand alone.

Sir Walter Besant relates that Isaac Smith, Mrs
Cook's cousin, was the first to set his foot on Australian
soil, leaping out of the boat in response to an order
from the Captain, '^Jump out, Isaac." There is no
official record of the name of the first to land, of course,
but Canon Bennett says that it is the family tradition

172 1 7 70— AUSTRALIA [chap.

that the event as related by Sir Walter is correct, and it
is by no means improbable that Canon Bennett received
the tradition from Admiral Isaac Smith himself. He
also describes the position of Smith as '* what was then
called, the Captain's Midshipman, whose duty it was
to wait on the captain and I believe to do Butler's and
Valet's work if needed."

On examining the huts near the landing-place, which
were constructed of sticks covered with pieces of bark,
somewhat similar to those seen in Terra del Fuego,
some children were found carefully covered up, but they
were not disturbed. Some forty or fifty spears were
taken away, due payment in the shape of beads, cloth,
ribbons, nails, etc., being left in their place ; but all of it
was found untouched the following morning. The
canoes are described by Cook as the worst he ever saw,
consisting merely of sheets of bark drawn together, and
tied with withies at the ends, and kept open in the middle
by sticks.

Considerable difficulty was experienced in getting
a supply of water, that on the north head entailing
much labour, and on the south head being obtainable
only from a small stream, or by digging in the sand.
Whilst the crew were busy with the water and wood,
Cook made a survey of the harbour. He describes the
country as being lightly timbered, with a sandy soil,
bearing a plentiful crop of coarse grass, a quantity of
of which was taken on board for the sheep. The sand
was interspersed with patches of swampy ground and
rocks, but at the head of the bay, though much of the
same character, it appeared richer. One or two blacks'
camps were seen, but the people ran away at the
approach of the strangers. In one or two cases spears
were thrown, but fortunately no one was injured,
though Dr Monkhouse and one or two others had
narrow escapes. Large heaps of shells, oysters,
mussels, and cockle, were found near the camps, some

X.] NATIVE ACCOUNT OF LANDING 173

of them ** being some of the largest oyster shells I
ever saw," says Cook.

A vague account of the landing, said to have been
obtained from the blacks, was published in Sydney, in an
anonymous work on Australian discovery, which was
never completed. It is there stated that three men
landed from the boats on the south point of the bay
and walked round for a short distance, the boats follow-
ing towards some fresh water that ran down over the
rocks ; and that after staying some little time they went
over to the north side and the three persons again landed
— one of them wore a cocked hat. The blacks appeared
with their weapons, but made no attempt to attack, and,
on a couple of shots being fired from the boats, they ran
away. The boats then went back to the ship, and either
the same evening or the next morning were out fishing
with nets. This account, as far as it goes, agrees very
fairly with those of Cook and Banks. It is almost
unnecessary to add that at first the ship was taken
for a large bird and then for a big canoe.

On returning from the first day's explorations they
managed to net about 300 lb. of fish, which proved
a very acceptable change of diet for the crew. Cook
was informed that whilst those on board were having
their dinner, some ten or a dozen natives were seen
to come down and remove their canoes ; but none of
the presents that had been left were touched. After
a time another party of about eighteen came down to
within about a hundred yards of the working party,
but could not be induced to come any nearer, and all
they seemed to want was that their visitors should go
away and leave them in peace.

Whilst here a seaman, named Forbes (*'Forby" in
the muster roll) Sutherland, died of consumption, from
which he had been suffering throughout the voyage,
and was buried on shore on the point named by Cook
in his memory, Point Sutherland. The anonymous

174 1 7 7o— AUSTRALIA [chap.

pamphlet, referred to above, says that Cook does not
give the cause of Sutherland's death, though he was
usually very careful to do so, and then tells a story
to the effect that Sutherland had found a metal plate
affixed to a tree, which showed that the Dutch had
previously been on the spot, and whilst securing it
he had been fatally wounded by the blacks, and then
Cook, in order to have the credit of being the first
discoverer, carefully suppressed these facts, but that
the plate was secured by some one or other, and is
preserved in the British Museum. Unfortunately for
the truth of this story. Cook very distinctly states that
Sutherland died of consumption ; and, secondly, the
plate is not in the care of the British Museum, nor
can any trace of its existence be found in any of the
records of the voyage.

Before leaving, an inscription was cut on a tree
near the watering-place, giving the ship's name and
the date, and the English colours were displayed on
shore every day during the stay; but the crew were
unsuccessful in their attempts to establish any friendly
intercourse with the blacks. Mr Green fixed the
latitude of the place as 34° o' S.

A brass plate was afterwards attached to the rocks
about fifteen feet above high-water mark, near the spot
where the first landing was supposed to have taken
place, by the ** Philosophical Society of Australia" in
1822, with an inscription to the glorification of that
Society, and an incidental mention of Cook.

On leaving Botany Bay the coast was followed up
to the northward, and an entrance was noted which
Cook thought might prove a safe anchorage, and to
which he gave the name of Port Jackson, after Mr
George Jackson, one of the Secretaries to the Admiralty.
Within this ** entrance" is now the city of Sydney, and
it was to this place that Captain Philip removed his
headquarters when he discovered the unsuitability of

X.] NATIVE *' SMOKES"

175

Botany Bay for the purposes of colonisation. Botany
Bay had been very strongly recommended by Banks.

After passing Port Jackson, Broken Bay was reached
and named from the number of small islands in it, but
they were too far away to note the entrance of a large
river, now the Hawkesbury. The winds, light and
northerly, rendered progress very slow for several days,
and it was not till loth May that a small round, rocky,
island was seen, but not named. This is now known
as Nobby's Head at the entrance to Newcastle, on the
Hunter River, the great coal district of the South Pacific.

Port Stephens was the next place noticed, and Cook
judged that it was a well-sheltered harbour with ample
depth of water. Smoke was constantly seen, but no
other trace of inhabitants. Off Cape Hawke he found
that his observations made him twelve miles south of
his position by the log, which he rightly attributed to
the currents, on this coast of very considerable force,
and very variable.

Almost the only thing to be seen, beyond the outline
of the coast, was the constantly recurring smoke ; one
point received the name of Smoky Cape on account of
the great number in its vicinity. Cook was, of course,
unaware that probably they were, many of them, signals
from one party of blacks to another announcing the
advent of something strange on the coast. That these
** smokes" are used by blacks to convey information
is now a well-recognised fact, and the news they do
convey by this means is often perfectly astonishing to
a white man.

As they proceeded further to the north the land
appeared to increase in height ; near the shore the
country was low and sandy, but further inland

**an agreeable variety of Hills, Ridges, and Valleys,
and large Plains, all cloathed with wood, which to all
appearance is the same as I have before mentioned, as
we could discover no visible alteration in the soil."

176 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

After passing the Solitary Islands, they were able
to keep pretty close in shore, and as usual noticed some
smokes, and at one point were able to distinguish
people on the beach. Soon afterwards Cape Byron
was passed, and named after the Captain of the Dolphin
when on her first voyage to the South Seas.

After escaping a reef off Point Danger they dis-
covered a bay on 17th May which Cook named Morton
Bay, after the President of the Royal Society, the Earl
of Morton. It is now wrongly spelt on the maps as
Moreton Bay. Cook says :

*' From C. Morton the Land trends away W. further
than we could see, for there is a small space where we
could see no land : some on board were of opinion that
there is a River there because the sea looked paler than
usual."

This opinion is correct, for here the Brisbane River
enters the sea, and on it is situated the city of Brisbane,
the capital of the Province of Queensland. Some very
remarkable hills stand a short distance from the coast
on the west of the bay, which Cook aptly named the
Glasshouses, from their likeness to the buildings in
which glass is manufactured. Still keeping as near
the coast as was considered safe, they passed and
named Double Island Point and Wide Bay, and the
country was described as being more barren than any
yet seen on the coast. A black bluff was named
Indian Head, as several natives were seen on it ; but
with the exception of the *' smokes" there were very
few evidences of habitation to be seen. A cape having
on it two peculiar white patches was named Sandy
Cape, and a long dangerous sandbank, shoaling
steadily on the outside, and steep-to on the inside, was
named Breaksea Spit. Here Cook found himself in a
large bay and conjectured, from the kinds of birds to
be seen and the direction of their flight, that there was

X] BUSTARD HEAD 177

a river or lagoon to the south-west. The conjecture
was correct, for here the Mary River empties itself
into Hervey's Bay.

On the 23rd of May they anchored in a bay, and

landed for the second time on the shores of New

Holland. Cook says the country was *^ visibly worse

than at the last place," that is Botany Bay. The timber

was much the same, though Banks got one or two new

specimens. Black and white ducks and pelicans were

seen, and a bustard weighing 17^ lb. was shot; it was

**as large as a good turkey, and far the best we had

eaten since we left England," says Banks. That bird

is immortalised in the names Bustard Bay and Bustard

Head, which were conferred in its honour. Oysters of

good quality were obtained, but, as a set off, Banks

made the acquaintance of the green tree ant and the

Australian mosquito, which he did not seem to

appreciate so much.

The night previous to their landing Orton, clerk
and purser, having indulged too freely, had his clothes
cut off his back by some one unknown, and was after-
wards followed to his berth — and both his ears were slit.
Suspicion fell upon Midshipman Magra (or McGrath
as it is spelt on some of the rolls), and he was dismissed
the quarter-deck and suspended from any duty. Cook
describes him as ^'one of those Gentlemen frequently
found on board King's ships, that can very well be
spared." As the evidence against him was not quite
conclusive. Cook proceeded no further, but watched him
closely, as he was fully determined to discover and
punish the offender. He seems to have had good
reasons to withdraw his suspicions, for, on the 26th,
Magra was permitted to return to duty and reinstated
as midshipman, ''as I did not find him guilty of the
crime laid to his charge." Midshipman Saunders, who
deserted at Batavia, was the one on whom the blame
was ultimately laid,

M

178 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

On 24th May a moderately high, white, and apparently
barren point was passed, which, being found by observa-
tion to be directly under the tropic, was named Cape
Capricorn. Shortly afterwards the mouth of the Fitzroy
River was crossed, but Cook only remarks that from
general appearances, he believed there was a river in the
immediate neighbourhood. On the 26th, as the sound-
ings were very irregular, he ran out between the Keppel
Islands, on one of which a few natives were seen. Cape
Townshend was named, Admiral Wharton says, after
Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer in
1767, who died in 1770; but it is much more probable
that it was after Charles Townshend, who signed Cook's
commission of Lieutenant, and who was, at the time
the Endeavour left England, one of the Lords of the
Admiralty.

Rounding the point into Shoalwater Bay they had
to haul up sharp to the west, in order to get within
the islands which were named the Northumberland
Group. The water was found to be very shallow, so
they anchored for a time and sounded from the boats,
soon afterwards moving further in to the shore, as
Cook was anxious to clean the ship's bottom, which
was getting very foul, and he also wished to have the
advantage of a full moon in these apparently dangerous
waters. However, as no fresh water was found, the
idea had to be given up. He landed to take some
observations, but they proved very unsatisfactory as
the compass was found to be unreliable, a fault that
was attributed to the iron stone in the neighbouring
hills, of which the signs were very evident. In some
places the variations were found to amount to as much
as 30°. In describing the country, he says: ''No
sign of fertility is to be seen upon the Land ; the
soil of the uplands is mostly a hard, reddish clay." He
named the northernmost headland Cape Palmerston,
after one of the Lords of the Admiralty ; and the large

X.]

WHITSUNDAY PASSAGE

179

opening which includes Broadsound, Shoalwater Bay,
and Thirsty Sound, he called the Bay of Inlets.

After passing Cape Hillsborough, named after the
President of the Board of Trade, they entered Whit-
sunday Passage, and it is described by Cook as *'one
continued safe harbour, besides a number of small bays
and coves on each side, where ships might lay as it
were in a Basin." This passage is betweeen the main-
land and Whitsunday Island, so called from having
been sighted on that day, and the land on both sides
is described as being green and pleasant, but although
it looked inviting Cook would not waste any time, as
the brilliant, clear moonlight enabled him to stand on
under easy sail. Rounding Cape Gloucester he entered
Edgecombe Bay, now known as Port Denison, said
to be the prettiest port in Australia. On entering
Cleveland Bay, named after the district of Yorkshire
in which Cook was born, the compass was seen to be
very much disturbed, and the cause was found to be an
island which he called Magnetical, now Magnetic
Island. This island is off the present port of Towns-
ville.

A little further to the north a boat was sent off
under the charge of Mr Hicks, who was accompanied
by Messrs Banks and Solander, in the hope of procuring
some fresh vegetables, as some cocoanuts were supposed
to have been seen ; but the trip resulted in disappoint-
ment, for the cocoanuts proved to be a kind of cabbage
palm, and nothing else was seen worthy of attention.
Blacks were heard calling to each other, but none of
them were seen till, when near Rockingham Bay, some
few were observed through the glasses on the islands, but
no communication was possible. They were very dark,
and appeared entirely destitute of clothing. In a small
bay north of Cape Grafton the ship anchored, and
Cook, Banks, and Solander went ashore to look for
water, and found two small streams, but they were too

i8o 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

difficult of access to be made use of; and the country
is described as being steep, rocky, and unpromising.

On loth June, soon after leaving this bay, all except
the watch had turned in, and the lead had just been
cast, with seventeen fathoms, when the unfortunate ship
crashed on to a reef, bringing all hands on deck. Sound-
ings were at once taken all round her, and she was found
to be on the very edge of a coral reef. As she was
making but little water, anchors were carried out, and
an attempt was made to haul her off. Finding their
efforts unavailing, steps were taken to lighten her ;
decayed stores, oil jars, hoopstaves, casks, iron and
stone ballast, and her six quarter-deck guns were thrown
overboard — from forty to fifty tons in all — but with no
effect. The tide then began to rise and her leaks to
increase very rapidly, two pumps having to be kept
constantly at work. Believing that matters would only
go from bad to worse. Cook determined to heave the
ship off at all hazards, so every one that could be
spared from the pumps was sent to the capstan and
windlass ; and at length after a stay of twenty-three
hours on the rocks, she was hove off into deep water.
But now all hands had to take to the pumps as
the water was pouring in rapidly. For a time they
appeared to gain slightly ; then there was a sudden
increase reported in the well, which caused every one
to take a gloomy view of their position. It was,
however, discovered that the man who had been taking
the soundings had measured the depth above the ceiling,
and on being relieved did not tell his successor from
what point, then the second man, taking the depth from
the outside plank, made it appear that there was a
sudden increase of from sixteen to eighteen inches.
When this was realised, the correction acted like a
charm ; each one redoubled his exertions, and by
morning they had gained considerably on the leak, and
sail was got on her and she stood in for the land.

X.] THE SHIP ASHORE i8i

It is said that Midshipman Monkhouse suggested that
the leak should be '*fothered," and as he had already
seen the operation performed on board a merchant ship
which was leaking at the rate of forty-eight inches per
hour, and had afterwards, without further repair, crossed
the Atlantic from Virginia to London, he was given
charge. He had a studding sail on which oakum and
wool was lightly sewn and smothered with dirt, lowered
over the bows and dragged over the place where the
worst of the leak was supposed to be, and there
firmly secured, with the result that Banks says, in
a quarter of an hour after it was in position, they were
able to pump the ship clear of water, and Cook says
one pump was sufficient to keep her free. During
all this trying time every one seems to have behaved
well, for Cook says :

*'In justice to the ship's company, I must say that
no men ever behaved better than they have done on
this occasion ; animated by the behaviour of every
Gentleman on board, every man seem'd to have a
just sense of the Danger we were in, and exerted him-
self to the very utmost."

Banks also adds his testimony :

*^ Every man exerts his utmost for the preservation
of the ship. The officers during the whole time never
gave an order that did not show them to be perfectly
composed and unmoved by the circumstances."

The suggestive name of Cape Tribulation was given
to a point off which the reef on which they had struck
was situated, and some small islands near were called
Hope Islands, because, as Cook says, at the time of their
greatest danger they hoped, if the worst came, they
would at any rate be able to reach them. A boat had
been sent off to ascertain if there was any place in the
neighbourhood where they could safely beach the ship,
and very soon returned with the information that a small

1 82 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

river, now the Endeavour River, had been found which
appeared to be in every way suitable. Into this she was
safely taken, and deep water being found close to the
bank, a stage was rigged, and most of the stores and
ballast was taken on shore ; a hospital tent was erected
for the sick ** which amounted at this time to some eight
or nine afflicted with different disorders, but none very
dangerously ill." Mr Green and Tupia were showing
signs of scurvy, but the remainder appeared at that time
to have been free from it.

When the ship was sufficiently clear she was warped
a little further up the river, and at the top of the tide her
bows were hauled well into the bank, and when the tide
fell they were able to examine the leak. The damage
was found to be very serious, for the rock had cut
through four of the planks into the timbers, and three
other planks were injured. The manner in which the
wood was cut away was ** hardly credible, scarce a
splinter was to be seen, but the whole was cut away
as if done with a blunt-edged tool." A piece of rock
was found tightly fixed in the hole, and this had served
greatly to arrest the influx of water. The sheathing
and false keel were very badly damaged, but it was
believed that she was not much injured aft as she
made but very little water when once the main wound
was dry.

At what is believed to be the exact spot at which
she was beached a monument has been erected by the
inhabitants of Cooktown, a seaport town now at the
mouth of the river.

Every effort was made to get the repairs completed
during the prevalence of the high tides, but unsuccess-
fully, and it was not till their return that they were able
to get the ship afloat again. In the meantime, as there
was no danger to be feared from the natives, the men
were allowed as much liberty as possible, and owing
to their obtaining a supply of fresh fish, a few pigeons,

x] REPAIRING AT THE ENDEAVOUR RIVER 183

and a small quantity of vegetables in the form of some
wild yam tops, cabbage palm, and wild plantains, the
health of the crew rapidly improved. On 29th June an
observation of ^' the Emersion of Jupiter's First Satelite "
was obtained, from which the longitude was calculated
as 214° 42' 30'' W^. Wharton considers this an excellent
observation — the true longitude being 214° 45' W.

When on 4th July they at last succeeded in getting
the good ship afloat again, they found that she had
been so well patched that she only took in water at the
rate of about one inch per hour, and this was easily kept
under by the pumps. She was taken across to the other
side of the river, and was laid over on a sandbank to be
more thoroughly examined, when the sheathing was
found to be greatly damaged. The carpenter in whom
Cook had confidence, reported that with the means at his
disposal he could not make a satisfactory job of it, but
he thought that there would not be any great danger
in pushing on till some place where greater facilities
were available could be reached. She was therefore
again taken alongside the staging, the stores and ballast
replaced, and everything got ready for a prosecution
of the voyage ; and the Master was sent off in the
pinnace to look for a passage to the north-east. He
was not successful, but whilst away came across some
natives on the mainland very busy cooking ^^sea
eggs," but they ran away as soon as they saw the
white men.

During the whole of the time that the ship had been
in the river, the natives had kept away from her, though
evidences of their being near were constantly found.
One day some two or three were seen fishing, and
some of the crew wished to attempt their capture, but
Cook ordered that no notice was to be taken of them ;
with the result that they gradually came nearer and
at length picked up some small presents which had
been thrown down for them. After a time they landed.

184 1 7 70— AUSTRALIA [chap.

and were persuaded to sit down with Tupia, when a
long and animated conversation ensued in which neither
party could understand the other. They were at dinner
time offered something to eat, but declined it, and went
away. The following day three of them returned bring-
ing a stranger with them, and the next day five came
to the camp, leaving a woman and a boy on the other
side of the river. The whole of these were entirely
destitute of anything in the way of clothing.

Not being satisfied with the report of the Master as
to a passage out to the north-east. Cook again sent him —
but he again reported badly ; the shoals appeared to be
more numerous the further he went. He, however,
brought back with him three turtles weighing about
800 lb., which, as may well be imagined, proved a
very welcome addition to the food of the crew, for
they had now been some months without fresh meat.
A second trip out to where these were obtained resulted
in their catching three or four more, and getting also
a good supply of shell-fish.

Gore, Banks, and three men also made a few
days' excursion up the river, but with the exception
of shooting a kangaroo, they met with nothing of note.
The tracks of this animal had been seen several times
at Botany Bay, but the honour of obtaining this,
the first killed by any European, belongs to Mr Gore.
On 1 8th July Cook, Banks, and Solander went up the
coast some six or eight miles and climbed a prominent
hill, to see if they could form any idea of the general lie
of the coast and its surrounding reefs ; and Cook was
greatly struck with the difficulties he would have to
contend with in making his way out. He says: ^*In
whatever direction we looked, it (the sea) was covered
with shoals as far as the eye could see."

A few blacks had made some sort of friendly advance
to Cook and Banks when out for a walk on the north
bank of the river, and had been persuaded to visit the

X.] THE BLACKS FIRE THE CAMP 185

camp on the other side. Shortly before the last of the
stores were taken on board some ten of them visited the
ship, and were offered various gifts, but seemed to set
little value on any of them. Some of the turtles which
were on deck attracted their attention, and they made
signs that they wished for them ; and when they found
their signs were not responded to, attempted to carry off
two of them ; and when this attempt was frustrated they
went ashore to where some of the crew were at work.
One of them seized a lighted stick from under the
pitch kettle, and, taking a good wide circuit round the
place, fired the grass as he went. Fortunately, there
were not many things left ashore, and they had just
finished loading the powder, so the most serious
damage appears to have been the premature roasting
of a young pig. The blacks then went on to where
some of the crew were engaged in washing, and where
a quantity of the ship's linen and the fishing nets were
hanging out to dry. Here they again attempted to fire
the grass, but receiving a charge of small shot they
retreated, only to return soon afterwards with their
arms, some of which the English managed to secure.
When they seemed to be inclined to be more peaceable,
the arms were eventually returned, with the result that,
after staying a short time, they went off and again fired
the undergrowth about a couple of miles away.

Banks seems to have been greatly impressed with the
manner in which the grass and undergrowth burnt,
for he remarks that he will never pitch tents again in
a hot climate, without first taking the precaution to
burn the grass for some distance round. He had had
an opportunity of seeing a good deal of the surround-
ing country, and reports it as dry, sandy, and *'in
every respect the most barren country we have yet
seen." The animals were not numerous, and he
enumerates kangaroos, wolves (the native dog or
dingo), bats, wild cats (dasyurus), and opossums.

i86 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

Several kinds of ducks, shags, pelicans, crows, and
flock-pigeons were seen, but with the exception of the
last were difficult to shoot; of the crows he says: ''A
crow in England, though in general sufficiently wary,
is, I must say, a fool to a New Holland crow." None
of the birds or beasts appear to have come amiss to the
pot, for he observes that they could eat anything in the
way of meat ; all that was required was that it should
not be salt. **That alone was sufficient to make it a
delicacy."

He gives an account of a sailor's description
of an animal he saw. ^*It was as black as the devil
and had wings, indeed I took it for the devil, or I
might have catched it, for it crawled away very slowly
through the grass." After some little trouble Banks
discovered this creature to have been a large bat (the
flying fox). Of the insect life he found many specimens,
arid was particularly struck by the white ants and their
nests ; he also confesses to having formed a very respect-
ful opinion of the various kinds of mosquitoes. On the
beach they found bamboos, cocoanuts, and seeds, and
large quantities of pumice stone, which were evidently
not the produce of the country, but had been driven
ashore from the east by the trade winds.

Cook's opinion agrees fairly well with that of Banks,
but on the whole he thought that the east coast was not
so barren and miserable as Dampier had described the
the west to be, and he goes on to say :

*^ We are to consider that we see this country in the
pure state of nature ; the Industry of Man has had
nothing to do with any part of it, and yet we find all
such things as nature hath bestow'd upon it in a flourish-
ing state. In this Extensive Country, it can never be
doubted, but what most sorts of grain. Fruit, roots, etc.,
of every kind would flourish here were they once
brought hither, planted, and cultivated by the hands of
Industry ; and here are provender for more cattle, at all

4

x-l DIFFICULT NAVIGATION 187

seasons of the year, than ever can be brought into the
country."

This quotation is a good example of the observations
and deductions that are to be found scattered through
Cook's Journals, proves the soundness and accuracy of
his judgment, and is very different from the would-be
classical, semi-scientific rubbish that has been put into
his mouth by his editors.

After several days' detention by contrary winds,
they at length got away from the Endeavour River on
4th August, only to find themselves surrounded by
difficulties. Cook or some other of the officers was
continually at the masthead on the look-out, and, at last,
by keeping very close in to the shore, they managed to
creep past Cape Flattery, and at first thought that the
worst was over ; but on landing and ascending Point
Lookout the prospect was anything but satisfactory.
Cook therefore determined to take some observations
from the top of one of the high islands which lay to
the east, and which he thought outside the main reef.
He was again doomed to disappointment, for on their
arrival at the island selected, they could see, far away
to the east, the sea breaking on the Great Barrier Reef.
In hopes to get a better view in the morning, as the
weather was hazy. Cook and Banks remained on the
island all night, but with no greater success. They
found from the large piles of shells and remains of fires
that were to be seen, that the blacks visited these islands
at certain periods, and considering the wretched canoes
they had, little better than those seen at Botany Bay, it
was a wonderful journey for them to make. The only
living things they saw were a few lizards, and, in
consequence, the place received the name of Lizard
Island.

After careful consideration and consultation with
his officers, Cook determined to go outside the reef, for

i88 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

he was anxious to get on to the Dutch East India
settlements in order to renew his supplies, as he was
beginning to be afraid of running short ; only about
three months' provisions at short allowance were now
left. He therefore made for an opening he had noticed
when on Lizard Island, and got through without much
difficulty, and appears to have felt much relieved, for he
says :

** Having been entangled among Islands and Shoals,
more or less ever since the 26th May, in which time we
have sailed 360 leagues by the Lead, without ever
having a Leadsman out of the chains, when the ship
was under sail, a Circumstance that perhaps never
hapn'd to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely
necessary."

The satisfaction they felt in getting into the open sea
once more was largely discounted by finding that the
ship made more water than before, and one pump had
to be kept continually going to clear her.

One of the regrets that Cook felt at this time in
leaving the coast was, that he had formed the opinion
that New Holland and New Guinea were not joined,
and he was afraid that he would not be able to put
his opinion to the proof. In the end, however, he
did, as they were soon afterwards glad to return within
the shelter of the reef. As a matter of fact, Louis
Vaez de Torres had sailed through the straits that
now bear his name in the year 1606, after leaving
De Quiros, but there is reason to believe that Cook
did not know of this till after his return to England,
and in his Introduction to his Second Voyage he
readily yields to Torres the honour that undoubtedly
belongs to him. The log of Torres's voyage was
lost for many years, and was found at Manilla after
the bombardment of that place by Admiral Cornish
in 1762, so it is quite possible that its existence was
only known to a few, of which number Cook did not

X.] A DANGEROUS POSITION 189

form one. Speaking of three charts contained in *' De
Brye's Voyages," published in 1756, which he says
are ''tolerably good" with regard to the places in
New Guinea where he himself had touched, he says
that he had formed the opinion that the Spanish and
Dutch had evidently circumnavigated that island, and
adds :

*' I always understood, before I had a sight of these
maps that it was unknown whether or no New Holland
and New Guinea was one continued land, and so it
is said in the very History of Voyages these maps
are bound up in. However, we have now put this
wholly out of dispute ; but as I believe it was known
before, but not publickly, I claim no other merit than
the clearing up of a doubtful point."

On 14th August, he was, he thought, about opposite
to the place where he had expected to find the passage,
if any, between the two islands, and at night shortened
sail for fear of overshooting it. In the morning he
made all sail to the west, and sighted land a little after
noon, which proved still to be a continuation of New
Holland ; and about an hour afterwards the great reef
was again visible. The wind changed to east by
north, and they were afraid of being carried on to
the reef, so the course was changed to the north, again
standing to the south when it fell dark. Soon after-
wards it fell quite calm, and the lead gave no bottom
with the 140-fathom line. The breakers were heard
very distinctly towards morning, and at daybreak the
reef was seen not a mile away from them ; the ship
was found to be drifting rapidly towards the breakers,
there was no wind to help them off, and the depth of
water was far too great to permit anchoring, so the
yawl and longboat were got out, the pinnace being
under repair, and sent ahead to haul her round, whilst
the sweeps were used from the gunroom ports. By

190 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

six o'clock she was heading to the north again, but
she was

**not above 80 or 100 yards from the breakers. The
same sea that washed the side of the ship rose in a
breaker prodidgiously high the very next time it did
rise, so that between us and destruction was only
a dismal valley, the breadth of one wave, and even
now no ground could be felt with 120 fathoms."

The carpenter had by this time fastened a streak
temporarily on the pinnace, and she was sent off to
assist the towing. Cook had almost given up hope,
but he says :

*' In this truly terrible situation, not one man ceased
to do his utmost, and that with as much calmness as if
no danger had been near."

Admiral Wharton also calls attention to the fact that
in the very height of the danger Messrs Green, Gierke,
and Forwood, the gunner, were engaged in taking
a ''Lunar" for the longitude, and Green notes:

''These observations were very good, the limbs of
sun and the moon very distinct, and a good horizon.
We were about 100 yards from the reef, where we
expected the ship to strike every minute, it being calm,
no soundings, and the swell heaving us right on."

Mr Pickersgill, Master's Mate, remarks :

"This is the narrowest escape we ever had, and
had it not been for the immediate help of Providence,
we must inevitably have perished, for the ship must
have sunk alongside the rocks, which were as steep
as a ,wall, and there would have been no hopes of
saving one single life in so great a surf."

Just when things seemed perfectly hopeless, a small
breath of air, "so small that at any other time in a

X.] PROVIDENTIAL CHANNEL 191

calm we should not have observed it," came, and every
advantage of it was taken, so that with the help of the
boats, the distance from the reef was slightly increased,
and then it again fell quite calm, and the anxiety was
renewed, for they were as yet only about 200 yards
away. A small opening was at length observed in
the reef, and it was resolved, if possible, to go through
it, but when they arrived at the entrance, the ebb
tide was found to be ^^ gushing out like a mill stream."
They at once took advantage of this current as long as
they could keep in it, but it was so narrow that they
only succeeded in getting carried about a quarter of a
mile away. A second opening was then noticed, and Mr
Hicks was sent off with a boat to see if it was practicable,
and whilst he was away they managed with a hard
struggle to maintain the little advantage they had
gained. He returned with a favourable report, and
the ship was at once headed for it, and the tide having
changed, they were rapidly carried through, and were
shortly afterwards safely anchored inside the dreaded
reef in nineteen fathoms of water. The channel through
which they passed was named Providential Channel,
and Cook says :

** It is but a few days ago that I rejoiced at having
got without the Reef, but that joy was nothing when
compared to what I now felt at being safe at an anchor
within it."

Having thus fortunately arrived in a place of safety.
Cook resolved to stay where he was until the pinnace
had been put into thorough repair, so sending off the
other boats to fish, he went to the masthead to study
the difficulties by which he was surrounded. The
prospect was not encouraging, but towards the north
the shoals and reefs appeared to offer less obstruction
than he had previously had to contend with, and he
decided to keep in as close as possible to the mainland

192 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap.

till the question of the passage between New Holland
and New Guinea was finally settled. The boats having
returned with a quantity of very large shell-fish, a
sort of cockle, some of them requiring two men to move
them, and containing as much as twenty pounds of
good wholesome meat, they weighed anchor and pro-
ceeded slowly through a network of reefs, shoals, and
islands, the boats always out ahead sounding, and
signalling any unexpected danger. On 21st August
he had the satisfaction of passing through the straits
between Cape York and New Guinea with his boats
out on either side,

**for although there appeared nothing in the passage,
yet I thought it necessary to take this method, because
we had a strong flood which carried us on end very fast,
and it did not want much of high water."

The track by which De Torres sailed through the
straits was considerably to the north of that of the
Endeavour^ and several islands intervened between the
two.

After getting clear of the strait. Cook, Banks,
Solander and a small party landed on one of the
neighbouring islands, and at first expected to be
attacked by some natives who seemed inclined to offer
opposition to their landing, but when the boats got
near the shore they retreated. One of them appeared
to be armed with a bow, the first time that this weapon
had been seen on the coast, and the remainder had
spears. Cook ascended one of the hills, the highest
they could see, and from thence saw islands ranging
to the north-west, but open sea to the west and south-
west. As he had decided to land no more on this
part of the coast, and as he could make no fresh
discoveries to the west in New Holland, '^the honours
of which belong to the Dutch Navigators," and as he
was confident he was the first European to visit the

X.] POSSESSION TAKEN

193

east coast, he once more hoisted the English flag
and

' ^ took possession of the whole Eastern Coast from
the above latitude" — 38° d S. — ''down to this place
by the name of 'New Wales.' We fired three volleys
of small arms, which were answer'd by the like number
from the ship."

Admiral Wharton says that in the King's Copy of
Cook's Journal and in the Admiralty Copy the name
is given as " New South Wales."

After leaving Possession Island, as he named it,
he made the best of his way through the channel which
now bears his name ; it is but little used at the present
day, owing to its many dangers. The southern point of
Prince of Wales Island was named Cape Cornwall, and
its longitude was given as 218° 59' W., and Wharton
says that this is one of the worst longitudes given
throughout the whole Journal, as it is 70' too far to the
W. ; but he explains that the error was excusable, as
they had not been able to take any observations for
some days, and the dead reckoning amidst such a
number of shoals would be most difficult to keep.

Near Booby Island, so named from the large number
of those birds seen there, they lost one of their anchors,
and had very great difficulty in recovering it ; and
shortly afterwards they had a narrow escape from
again running on a reef. They let go the anchors and
brought up just in time with all sails set, and as there
was a very nasty sea on at the time the consequences
of striking, with the ship in the condition she was in,
would most probably have been fatal. They at length
succeeded in clearing the difficulties of the coasts of New
Holland, and on 29th August sighted the Island of New
Guinea.

Cardinal Moran, in his "History of the Catholic
Church in Australia," claims that De Quiros and not

N

194 1 7 7o— AUSTRALIA [chap. x.

Cook was the first European to touch on the eastern
coast of Australia, and identifies the port of Vera Cruz
as being the place which is now known as Port Curtis.
This port of Vera Cruz was situated between two rivers
which were named the Jordan and the Salvador. These
two rivers he identifies with the Boyne, which empties
into Port Curtis, and the Burnett, which empties into
Wide Bay some loo miles away ; and at the same time
he completely overlooks the description given of the
country and its products, which does not in any way suit
the surroundings of Port Curtis. Every information
available points to De Quiros's discovery being the
Island of Santo and not Australia, and it is now
universally accepted that that island is where he turned
back, owing to a mutiny on board his ship, and the
place where De Torres separated from him to continue
his voyage through Torres Straits to Manilla.

CHAPTER XI

1 770-1 77 1 — NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND

The land of New Guinea where first sighted appeared
very low, with cocoanut palms in plenty, and the smoke
rising in different directions proved it to be inhabited ;
but as the water was very shallow, the Endeavour had
to remain a considerable distance off in running to
the westward. Managing to get a little nearer in on
3rd September, Cook decided to attempt a landing, and
then to leave the coast, as he considered he was only
wasting valuable time in going over ground that had
already been explored by the Dutch. Banks says the
crew were rather sickly, they

^^were pretty far gone with the longing for home,
which the physicians have gone so far as to esteem a
disease under the name of Nostalgia. Indeed I can find
hardly anybody in the ship clear of its effects, but the
Captain, Dr Solander, and myself, and we three have
ample constant employment for our minds, which, I
believe to be the best if not the only remedy for it."

The fact that they were on short allowance of food
would also have a depressing effect on the crew, and
when they learnt that Cook had made up his mind
to waste no further time, but to return to civilisation
as quickly as possible, there was a marked improvement
in the general health.

No natives were seen from the ship, but, on the
pinnace, in which were Cook, Banks, and Solander,
nearing the shore, a small hut was perceived. The boat

195

196 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

was unable to approach nearer than about 200 yards, and
the occupants had to wade. Voices were heard in the
woods, which were very thick with creepers and under-
growth, and it was thought inadvisable to attempt to
enter, so they walked along the shore for a short
distance, seeing several footprints. After proceeding
a little way they were suddenly attacked by three or
four men, who rushed out of the timber and appeared
to throw something which Banks says flashed like
powder and produced a smoke, but did no further
damage ; a musket being discharged they again dis-
appeared amongst the trees. As there seemed no
possibility of seeing anything of the country, the party
retired to the boats, followed at a distance by a large
number of the natives. Sail was then made to the west,
contrary to the wish of several of the officers who
wanted to land a party and cut down some of the
cocoanut trees for the sake of the nuts ; but Cook
refused to entertain the idea as he felt sure the natives
would attempt to defend their own property, and he
would not risk the sacrifice of life for a few nuts.

On loth September the Island of Timor was sighted,
and it was suggested that the ship should put into
Concordia, a Dutch settlement, for refreshments, but
Cook, being aware that the Dutch had a great dislike to
strangers entering any except their chief ports in the
East Indies, refused to go where he ^' might expect
to be but indifferently treated."

On the 1 6th Banks notes a peculiar light in the sky,
which was most probably the Aurora Australis ; he
describes the heavens as being of a dull reddish hue,
through which rays of a brighter coloured light played
for some hours. The next day they saw on the island
of Savu, houses, cattle, and cocoanuts, so Gore was
sent ashore to endeavour to purchase some fresh food,
as the health of the crew required some change ; and
Cook says that since he had refused to call in at

XI.] PURCHASING SUPPLIES

197

Concordia their tempers had been indifferent. A good
anchorage near a village was pointed out to Gore, and
the ship at once proceeded to it. As soon as the
Endeavour was in safety Cook went ashore, and was
met by a small armed party under the Dutch flag, and
was received by the chief man, who afterwards enter-
tained them at a dinner consisting chiefly of pork and
rice, washed down by palm wine. After some little
trouble with the Dutch agent, and a judicious present
to an old chief, who appeared to have considerable
influence, they obtained a good supply of fowls,
buffalo and ** syrup"; this last was palm wine
thickened by boiling, and proved to be a valuable
antiscorbutic. For the first two buffaloes. Cook had
to pay the sum of ten pounds, for the special advantage
of the Dutch representative ; but afterwards was able
to obtain as many as he wanted for a musket each.
Banks says, ^*The beef was not particularly good, and
the mutton was the worst I have ever eaten, the sheep
being more like goats." He describes the country with
its groves of cocoanuts and fan palms as very lovely,
although they had not had rain for seven months.
After the monotonous and barren-looking coast of
New Holland it must indeed have been a change.

On 30th September as they were now nearing
Batavia, Cook collected all logs and journals that had
been kept on board the ship, and strictly enjoined every
one not to divulge where they had been, according to
his instructions from the Admiralty. Off Java Head
the main topsail was very badly split in a squall, and
Cook remarks that all his sails are in such a condition
that *Uhey will hardly stand the least puff of wind."
No observations had been possible since leaving Savu,
and the strong western current had thrown out their
dead reckoning, so that they ran past the entrance to
the Straits of Sunda ; but on ist October they picked
up their position, and in the mouth of the Straits they

198 1 7 70-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

met a Dutch vessel, which gave them the first European
news they had received since leaving home, upwards
of two years previously. One of the items was that
Captain Carteret of the Swallow had reached England
with his ship in safety. At the time of their leaving
he had not been heard of since he had parted with his
consort the Dolphin.

The current in the Straits was so strong that they
were nine days beating through, and during that time
were often compelled to anchor to prevent themselves
from being carried back. On the 5th they were met by
a Dutch officer in a proa, who brought a form to be filled
up, containing nine questions, as to their nationality,
whence they came, whither bound, etc., which Cook
could not answer without disregarding his instructions.
He was then informed that the information was merely
for the satisfaction of his friends, so he contented himself
with giving the name and nationality of his ship, and
his points of departure and return as Europe. On the
day of their arrival at Batavia, loth October, they
anchored in the roads, and Lieutenant Hicks was sent
ashore to announce them formally to the Governor, and
to explain that owing to their having only three guns
available, it was impossible to salute the Dutch flag in a
proper manner ; and the explanation was courteously
received.

The ship was now thoroughly surveyed, and the
carpenter reported that her hull was suffering from the
effects of the stranding on the reef off the coast of New
Holland, and she was making a large amount of water,
^'from 12 to 6 inches per hour," and the pumps were
in very bad order ; the masts and yards were otherwise
in pretty good condition, and, in consequence of this
report. Cook applied to the Governor, General van der
Parra, for a convenient place to heave down and repair,
and for permission to purchase such stores and refresh-
ments as he might require. This application was made

XI.] STRUCK BY LIGHTNING 199

personally and was courteously received, every assist-
ance being at once promised. As money would be
required for his expenses, and, as there appeared to be
no private person in the place in a position to cash his
bills, he referred to the Governor, who immediately
ordered the officer in charge of the port and town to
provide him with whatever amount he might find
necessary.

During a heavy thunderstorm on the 12th, a Dutch
East Indiaman that was anchored about two cable
lengths away from the Endeavour was struck by
lightning and her mainmast split ^*all to shivers."
The Endeavour was also struck,

''and in all probability we should have shared the same
fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the electric
chain which we had but just before got up ; this carried
the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear
of the ship."

The sentry on duty on the quarter-deck was struck
down, but apparently not seriously injured.

On the 25th October Cook was able to reopen
communications with the Admiralty, forwarding to
Mr Stephens by the hands of Captain F. Kelgar of
the Dutch East Indiaman, Kronenberg, a packet contain-
ing a copy of his Journal (the copy sold to Mr John
Corner in 1890), charts of the South Seas, New Zealand,
and the East Coast of Australia, and the following letter :

" Sir, — Please to acquaint my Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty that I left Rio de Janeiro, the 8th of
December 1768, and on the i6th of Janx- following,
arrived in Success Bay in Straits La Maire, where we
recruited our wood and water. On the 21st of the same
month we quitted Straits La Maire, and arrived at
George's Island on the 13th of April. In our passage to
this Island I made a far more Westerly Track than any
ship had ever before done, yet it was attended with no
discovery until we arrived within the Tropic, where we

200 1 7 70-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

discovered several Islands. We met with as friendly a
reception by the natives of George Island as I could
wish, and I took care to secure ourselves in such a
manner as to put it out of the power of the whole island
to drive us off. Some days preceding the 3rd of June,
I sent Lieutenant Hicks to the Eastern portion of this
Island, and Lieutenant Gore to York Island with others
of the officers (Mr Green having furnished them with
instruments), to observe the Transit of Venus, that we
may have the better chance of succeeding should the
day prove unfavourable, but in this we were so fortunate,
that the observations were everywhere attended with
every favourable circumstance. It was the 13th of July
before I was ready to quit this Island, after which I
spent near a month in exploring some other Islands
which lay to the Westward, before we steered to the
Southward. On the 14th of August we discover'd a
small Island laying in the Lat^^. of 22° 27' S., Long^^-
150° 4/ Wt.

** After quitting this Island I steered to the S^- inclin-
ing a little to the East until we arrived in the Lat^^-
40° 1 2! S^- without seeing the least signs of Land. After
this I steer'd to the Westward, between the Lat^^- of
30° and 40° until the 6th of October, on which day we
discover'd the East Coast of New Zealand which I
found consisted of two Large Islands extending from
34° to 40° of South Lat^e. both of which I circum-
navigated. On the I St April 1770 I quitted New
Zealand and steer'd to the Westward until I fell in with
the East Coast of New Holland in the Latitude of 38° S^-
I coasted the shore of this country to the north, putting
in at such places as I saw convenient, until we arrived
in the Latitude of 15° 45' S^-- when on the night of the
loth of June we struck upon a Reef of Rocks, where
we lay 23 hours and received some very considerable
damage. This proved a fatal stroke to the remainder
of the voyage, as we were obliged to take shelter in
the first Port we met with, where we were detain'd
repairing the damage we had sustain'd, until the 4th of
August, and after all put to sea with a leaky ship, and
afterwards coasted the shore to the northward through
the most dangerous Navigation that, perhaps, ever ship
was in until the 22nd of same month when, being in
the Latitude of 10° 30' S., we found a passage into the

XI.] LETTER TO THE ADMIRALTY 201

Indian Sea between the northern extremity of New
Holland and New Guinea, which we made on the 29th,
but as we found it absolutely necessary to heave the
ship down to stop her leaks before we proceeded home,
I made no stay here but quitted this coast on the 3rd of
September and made the best of my way to Batavia
where we arrived on the tenth instant, and soon after
obtained leave of the Governor and Council to be hove
down at On rust, where we have but just got alongside
of the wharf in order to take out our stores, etc.

**I send herewith a copy of my Journal containing
the proceedings of the whole Voyage, together with
such Charts as I have had time to copy, which I judge
will be sufficient for the present to illustrate said
Journal. In this Journal, I have with undisguised
Truth and without gloss, inserted the whole transac-
tions of the Voyage, and made such remarks and have
given such descriptions of things as I thought was
necessary, in the best manner I was capable of.
Although the discovery s made in the Voyage are not
great, yet I flatter myself they are such as may merit
the Attention of their Lordships, and altho' I have
failed in discovering the so much talked of Southern
Continent (which perhaps do not exist), and which I
myself had much at heart, yet I am confident that no
part of the failure of such discovery can be laid to my
charge. Had we been so fortunate not to have run
ashore, much more would have been done in the latter
part of the Voyage than what was, but as it is, I
presume this Voyage will be found as compleat as any
before made to the S^- Seas on the same ace*-

' ' The plans I have drawn of the places I have been at,
were made with all the care and accuracy that Time and
Circumstances would admit of. Thus far I am certain
that the Latitude and Longitude of few parts of the
World are better settled than these, in this I was very
much assisted by Mr Green, who let slip no one
opportunity for making observations for settling the
Longde. during the whole course of the Voyage, and the
many valuable discoverys made by Mr Banks and Dr
Solander in Natural History and other things useful to
the learned World, cannot fail of contributing very much
to the success of the Voyage. In justice to the officers
and the whole of the crew, I must say, they have gone

202 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

through the fatigues and dangers of the Whole Voyage
with that cheerfulness and alertness that will always do
honour to the British Seamen, and I have the satisfac-
tion to say that I have not lost one man by Sickness
during the whole Voyage. I hope that the repairs
wanting to the Ship will not be so great as to detain us
any length of time ; You may be assured that I shall
make no unnecessary delay either here or at any other
place, but shall make the best of my way home. — I
have the honour to be with the greatest respect, Sir,
your most obedient humble servant,

** James Cook."

* * Endeavour Bark

**at Onrust, near Batavia,

** the 23rd of October 1770,

*'To Philip Stephens, Esq."

As Cook observes in this letter, the ship had been
marvellously free from disease of any kind, more
particularly from scurvy. Of the latter, the surgeon
reported on their arrival at home, that he had only five
cases during the whole of the voyage, a report such as
had never before been made by one of His Majesty's
ships after a voyage of any considerable length, and
was most undoubtedly due to the careful forethought
and constant attention of her commander, to everything,
no matter how trivial, which he thought would tend to
prevent the horrible scourge from getting a foothold
on board. On 15th October the Journal says :

** Upon our arrival here, I had not one man upon the
Sick List, Lieut. Hicks, Mr Green, and Tupia, were the
only people that had any complaints occasioned by a long
continuance at sea."

Banks also notes that there were no sick on board,
and contrasts the rosy healthy appearance of the crew
with the pallid faces of the Europeans of Batavia.

But now a terrible change was to come over the
picture. On 26th October, a series of disastrous entries
are commenced in the Journal. '*Set up the ship's

xt.] MALARIA 203

tents for the reception of the ship's company, several of
them begin to be taken ill, owing as I suppose, to the
extream hot weather." Batavia had an ill-omened
name, and it has been estimated that in the twenty-
years, from 1735 to 1755, over 1,000,000 deaths took
place there, chiefly from malarial fever and its constant
companion, dysentery. Cook early had cause to regret
that the Dutch had undertaken the repairs of the ship,
and that whilst they were at work, his men ^^must
stand and look on." He well knew the evil effects of
want of occupation in such a climate, though he could
not have foreseen Avhat it was to cost him. At this time
the number of deaths from all causes had been, since
the day of leaving Plymouth, only seven, viz. : three by
drowning, two frozen to death (negro servants of Mr
Banks), one from consumption, and one from alcoholic
poisoning. Probably a record without equal in the
History of Navigation.

The first one to succumb to the fatal malaria was
Mr Monkhouse, the surgeon, who died on 5th November,
and on 9th November Cook says: **By this time we
were so weakened by sickness that we could not muster
above twenty men and officers that were able to do
duty ; " and on the 14th he was very ill himself, but
refused to leave his ship. Banks and his party, in
hopes of lessening the danger of infection, went to
live at an hotel in Batavia where they received very
poor accommodation for 8s. per day each, but they
soon began to feel the effects of the disease, and both
he and Dr Solander became seriously ill, the latter
being given up as hopeless on the 12th ; they were
advised to take a house on the hills, and both began
to amend, and eventually recovered.

Meanwhile the ship had been hove down, and it
was found to be in a far worse condition than had
been expected. Two planks and a half were found
to have been rasped down by the rocks to the thickness

204 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

of not more than one-eighth of an inch for a length
of some six feet,

**and here the worms had made their way quite into the
timbers, so that it was a matter of surprise to every one
who saw her bottom, how we have kept her above water,
and yet in this condition we had sailed some hundreds
of Leagues in as dangerous a navigation as in any part
of the world, happy in being ignorant of the continual
danger we were in.'*

However, by the 14th, her bottom was thoroughly
repaired, and Cook says :

** In justice to the officers and workmen of this yard,
I must say that I do not believe there is a Marine Yard
in the World where work is done with more alertness
than here, or where there are better conveniences for
heaving ships down, both in point of safety and Despatch.
17th to 25th November, Employed rigging the ship,
getting on board stores and water, which last we have
sent down from Batavia at the rate of 6 shillings and
8 pence a leager or 150 gallons. We are now become
so sickly that we seldom can muster above 12 or 14
hands to do duty."

The water supply was a perquisite of the Commodore
of the Dutch East India fleet, and Cook says : ** He
always takes care to tell you it is very good, and will
keep sweet at sea, whereas everybody else will tell you
that it is not so."

Whilst waiting for the ship to be fitted for sea. Cook
attended at the ceremony of appointing the Commodore
of the homeward bound fleet by the Governor, which
took place every year, and

*^ was one of the grandest sights Batavia afforded ; that
may be too, and yet it did not recompense us for our
trouble. I thought that the whole was but ill conducted,
and the fleet appear'd to be very badly mann'd."

On 1 8th December Mr Reynolds, one of Mr Banks's

XI.] A DANE FROM IRELAND 205

staff of artists, died, and on the 24th, two able seamen.
On the 24th, also, Cook took formal leave of the
Governor, being ready for sea, with a good supply of
fresh provisions on board ; but before leaving they had
a little unpleasantness about a seaman who had
*^run" from one of the Dutch ships and entered on
the Endeavour, He was claimed by the Dutch on the
grounds that he was a Dane, born in Elsinore. Cook
promised, after some discussion, that if he was satisfied
that the man was not a British subject he would give
him up, and caused a careful enquiry to be made by
Mr Hicks. That officer's report was forwarded to the
Governor through the officer in charge of the port,
and nothing further was heard on the subject. The
supposed Dane had turned out to be an Irishman,
and is entered on the roll as James Mara ; he was
afterwards in the Resolution as gunner's mate.

The day after Christmas Day they sailed once more ;
this time for the Cape of Good Hope, direct, and on
leaving were saluted by the garrison with fourteen guns,
and by the Earl of Elgin, English East Indiaman,
Captain Cooke in command, with thirteen guns and
three cheers, *^all of which we return'd."

On leaving, Cook says the number of sick amounted
to forty or more, and the remainder were in a very
weakly condition, having all been sick, except the
sail-maker, an old man of from seventy to eighty years
of age, **and what is still more extraordinary in this
man, is his being generally more or less drunk every
day." The total number of deaths at Batavia had
amounted to seven, amongst them being those of Tupia
and his boy ; and Cook attributes their deaths chiefly
to the absence of that vegetable diet to which they had
always been accustomed. He describes Tupia as a
shrewd, sensible, ingenious, but proud and obstinate
man ; the two latter qualities often making his position
on board ship disagreeable to him.

2o6 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

On 7th January 1771 they anchored at Prince's
Island, in the Straits of Sunda, in order to get a
supply of wood and some more water, and, as they
found the natives were reasonable in their dealings,
they purchased turtles and fowls, and in hopes of
diminishing the sickness, which appeared to be worse
than ever, any one was allowed to purchase whatever
he fancied for himself. The trading was done with
Spanish dollars, and ^^such of our people as had not
this article traded with old shirts, etc., at a great
disadvantage." On leaving Prince's Island, the sick-
ness increased, and dysentery, a frequent companion
of malarial fever, became rampant, and was attributed
to the water obtained at that place. On 24th January,
Corporal Trusslove of the Marines died ; Cook says
he was much liked and respected by every man on
board the ship.

Every precaution that could be thought of was tried,
and the whole ship was washed out with vinegar and
thoroughly fumigated, but nothing stayed the pestilence.
Mr Sporing, of Mr Banks's staff, died on the 25th, and
Mr Parkinson, artist, on the 27th, on which date also,
the old sail-maker, Thomas Ravenhill, died. On the
29th Mr Green died ; he had been ill for a long time,
but Cook says he would take no care of himself. He
seems, to judge from his own Journal, to have been
a rather difficult person to get on with, and it is curious
to note that in Banks's Journal there is hardly any
reference whatever to him. His services as observer
were, however, invaluable to Cook, and he appears at
all times and seasons to have devoted himself to his
own special line of duty ; indeed, he sometimes seems
to have thought that every one else ought to have
put aside their own work to assist him.

On the 30th two of the carpenter's crew died, and on
the 31st four men ; on 2nd February one man ; on the
3rd one man ; on the 4th Midshipman Bootie and John

XT.] AN UNHEALTHY SEASON 207

Gatherey, the boatswain ; on the 6th, Midshipman
Monkhouse ; on the 12th John Satterly, the carpenter,
whom Cook says was '* much esteem 'd by me and every
gentleman on board." On the 14th A. Lindsay, A.B.,
who joined the ship at Batavia ; on the 15th a Marine ; on
the 2 1 St a seaman ; and on the 27th three more of the
crew. These closed the terrible list of losses, and it was
remarked that as soon as the ship entered the south-east
trade winds, there was a distinct change for the better
in the health of the crew, and Cook was of opinion that
the prevalence of the east wind had a great deal to do
with the ill-health on board. It was afterwards dis-
covered that the season had been unusually unhealthy.
The Houghton^ an East Indiaman they met at the Cape,
had lost between thirty and forty men, and had then a
large number ill, but she had suffered chiefly from
scurvy ; several other ships sailing to the East Indies
were also found to have lost heavily. Cook says :

**Thus we find that ships which have been little
more than twelve months from England have suffer'd as
much or more by sickness than we have done, who
have been out near three times as long. Yet their
sufferings will hardly, if at all, be mentioned or known
in England ; when, on the other hand, those of the
Endeavour^ because the voyage is uncommon, will very
probably be mentioned in every News Paper, and, what
is not unlikely with many Additional hardships we
never Experienced ; for such are the dispositions of men
in general in these Voyages, that they are seldom
content with the Hardships and Dangers which will
naturally occur, but they must add others which hardly
ever had existence but in their imaginations by magnify-
ing the most Trifling accidents and Circumstances to
the greatest Hardships, and unsurmountable Dangers
without the immediate interposition of Providence, as
if the whole merit of the Voyages consisted in the
real dangers and Hardships they underwent, or that the
real ones did not happen often enough to give the mind
sufficient anxiety. Thus posterity are taught to look
upon these Voyages as hazardous to the highest degree."

2o8 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

On 5th March land was believed to have been seen
to the northward, but as this was considered to be
impossible it was not reported to Cook till the evening.
He at once ordered soundings to be taken, but no
bottom was found with eighty fathoms, so he stood on,
concluding that a mistake had been made ; however, at
daylight the next morning, land was visible about two
leagues off, which turned out to be the African coast
near Cape Natal ; and on loth March the Cape of Good
Hope was sighted. The first thing to be done on their
arrival was to provide a suitable house for the sick, of
whom he landed twenty-eight, and during the stay the
remainder of the crew were afforded every possible
opportunity of being ashore, for Cook recognised that
the most thorough change from sea life was the best
method of enabling his men to shake off the effects
of the Batavian fever.

On 13th April, a Dutch ship came in with the news
that when she left home war was expected between
England and Spain. This information made Cook very
anxious to be off, and as his refitting was about
completed, he placed all his sick on board — some of
them being still very ill. He had lost three more
whilst at the Cape, but had been able to enter six
men, thus bringing up his number to somewhere near
the complement. He left the harbour, and finding some
things had been forgotten in the hurry of departure,
anchored off Penguin Island, and sent a boat ashore
to see if anything could be obtained there, but no one
was allowed to land. Banks, who was with the boat,
believed it to be on account of a mistake as to the rank
of the officer in command, but Cook thought that the
island was used as a prison, and that there was a fear
that some one might escape ; he also suggests that there
might have been some sailors of English nationality
hidden away to prevent his pressing them as he had
a right to do if he got the opportunity, and he adds,

XI] CAPE OF GOOD HOPE 209

^'it is well known that the Dutch East India ships are
mostly mann'd by Foreigners."

He was not much impressed with the Cape for he
says :

^* Most authors have heightened the picture to a very
great degree above what it will bear ; so that a stranger
is at once struck with surprise and disappointment, for
no country we have seen this voyage affords so barren a
prospect as this, and not only so in appearance but in
reality." Further on he says: ''Notwithstanding the
many disadvantages this country labours under such is
the industry, economy, and good management of the
Dutch, that not only the necessary, but all the Luxuries
of Life are raised here in great abundance, and are sold
as cheap, if not cheaper, than in any part of Europe,
some few articles excepted."

With regard to naval stores, which could only be
purchased from the Dutch East India Company, as in
Batavia, they were sold at a certain fixed and
exorbitant price from which there was no deviation.

On i6th April Mr Molineaux, the Master, died, of
whose intelligence Cook speaks very highly, but
deplores his want of steadiness, which was the cause
of his early death. Mr Pickersgill was appointed to
the vacancy.

St Helena was sighted on ist May, and the Endeavour
let go her anchor at noon, finding H.M.Ss. Portland di^id.
Swallow in the roads, with a convoy. The Swallow
was not the one that had been in the Pacific with
Carteret, but a new one ; the old ship having been
broken up. The Portland was able to furnish some
few much needed stores and the satisfactory information
that all danger of a war between England and Spain
was at an end. They all sailed in company on the 5th,
but on the loth Cook signalled to the Portland that
he wished to speak with her, so Captain Elliott went
on board the Endeavour^ when Cook explained that as

O

2IO 1 7 70-1 7 7 I—NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

his ship, sails, and rigging were naturally not in first-
class order after so long a voyage, he was afraid he
might not be able to keep up with the others, and he
therefore wished the Portland to take a letter and box
from him to the Admiralty.

The letter informed Mr Stephens that he had sent
by the hands of Captain F. Kelgar of the Dutch East
Indiaman, a letter describing the voyage up to the time
of reaching Batavia, and the charts and plans necessary
for understanding the course he had taken. He draws
attention to ^*that uninterrupted state of health we
had all along enjoyed," which was so suddenly and un-
fortunately to cease ; and he remarks that the dysentery
which proved so fatal on the voyage between Batavia
and the Cape did not seem to be affected by any of
the medicines with which they were supplied, ^* however
skilfully administered." He notified his arrival at the
Cape and St Helena, and his departure from the latter
place in company with the Portland and her convoy,
and that in consequence of his doubting his ability to
keep up with the others he *'had put on board the
Portland such of the officers' Journals and Charts as
I think will give most insight into the Voyage,
having not a copy of my own ready." These letters
and charts were not long in advance of Cook him-
self, for the Portland only reached England three days
before him.

For some days after handing over the Journals the
Endeavour kept within easy reach of the fleet, and was
able to obtain the services of the surgeon of the
Houghton for the benefit of Lieutenant Hicks, who was
very ill with consumption. Cook says that he was
suffering from this disease when they left England, but
held out well till they reached Batavia, where he had
an attack of fever, and though for a time he rallied
he could not recover his strength, and, gradually sink-
ing, died on 25th May. The next day Mr Charles

XI.]

ALL IN THE DOWNS

211

Gierke was appointed third lieutenant in the place of
Mr Gore promoted to second lieutenant.

On the 23rd they were slightly ahead of the fleet,
and even on 21st June still had some of the ships in
sight, but during that night they were caught in a
heavy squall, and the main topgallant sail was split
and the topmast sprung. In fact the sails and rigging
were now in such a bad condition that something or
other was always giving way. On 7th July they spoke
a brig from London to the Grenades, three days out
from Scilly, and from her they learnt that no account
of their proceedings had so far been made public, and
that wagers were being made that the Endeavour was
lost.

On loth July land was sighted by Nicholas Young,
the same lad who had been the first to see New Zealand,
and was judged to be Land's End ; and the Lizard was
seen the next day. On Saturday, 13th July 1771, **at
3 o'clock in the p.m. anchor'd in the Downs and soon
after I landed in order to repair to London."

Before leaving the ship he wrote as follows to Mr
Stephens :

'''■Endeavour Bark, Downs.
''The izihofjuly 1771.

** Sir, — It is with pleasure I have to request that you
will be pleased to acquaint my Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty with the arrival of His Majesty's Bark
under my command at this place where I shall leave her
to wait until further orders, and in obedience to their
Lordships' orders immediately and with this letter repair
to their office, in order to lay before them a full account
of the proceedings of the whole Voyage.

**I make no doubt but what you have received my
Letter and Journal forwarded from Batavia in a Dutch
Ship in October last, likewise my letters of the loth of
May together with some of the officers' Journals which
I put on board His Majesty's Ship Portland^ since which
time nothing material hath happen'd excepting the
death of Lieutenant Hicks ; the vacancy made on this

212 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

occasion I filled up by appointing Mr Charles Gierke,
a young man well worthy of it, and as such, must beg
leave to recommend him to their Lordships. This as
well as all other appointments made in the Bark vacant
by the death of former officers, agreeable to the enclosed
list, will I hope meet with their approbation.

^' You will herewith receive my Journal containing an
account of the proceedings of the whole voyage, together
with all the Charts, Plans, and Drawings I have made
of the respective places we have touched at, which you
will be pleased to lay before their Lordships. I flatter
myself that the latter will be found sufficient to convey a
tolerable knowledge of the places they are intended to
illustrate, and that the discoveries we have made tho'
not great will apologise for the length of the Voyage. —
I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant, James Cook."

On 2nd August Mr Stephens wrote in reply to
** Lieut. Cook, Endeavour Barky sent to him at his house
at Mile End," as follows :

**SiR, — I received your several letters dated the 23rd
of October 1770 at Batavia, loth May last, at sea, and
1 2th of last month, in the Downs, with the several
Journals and Charts to which you therein refer me, and
having laid the same before My Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty, I have the pleasure to acquaint you
that their Lordships extremely well approve of the
whole of your proceedings and that they have great
satisfaction in the account you have given them of the
good behaviour of your officers and men and of the
cheerfulness and alertness with which they went through
the fatigues and dangers of their late Voyage.

** Their Lordships command me to add, they have
signed a commission for Mr Clerke to be 3rd Lieutenant
of the Endeavour, and Warrants for Samuel Evans and
Geo. Nowell to be Boatswain and Carpenter of her, and
that they will be paid for the time they respectively
acted in those qualities by virtue of your appoint-
ment.

** Their Lordships have also recommended it to the
Navy Board to do the like with respect to the Surgeon

XI.] PROMOTIONS 213

and Master whom you appointed upon the death of Mr
Monkhouse and Mr Molineaux, — I am, Sir, etc., etc.,

** P. Stephens."

The following promotions and appointments on
account of the voyage are to be found in the ^* Com-
missions and Warrants Book" in the Public Records
office :

Mr Charles Clerke, Lieutenant's Commission to the
Endeavour^ confirmed 31st July 1771.

Sam^- Evans, Boatswain, Endeavour^ 31st July;
StromboU, loth August.

G. Nowell, Carpenter, Endeavour, 31st July ; Scorpion,
15th August.

R. Hutchings, Boatswain, Endeavour, loth August,
then to Flamborough,

R. Orton, Purser, Levant, 12th August.

R. Hughes, Carpenter, Endeavour, 15th August.

Mr James Cook (2^^ ) Commander Scorpion, 29th
August.

Mr R. Pickersgill, Lieutenant, Scorpion, 29th August.

James Gray, Boatswain, Cruizer, 29th August ;
Resolution, December 18.

S. Forward, Gunner, Surprise, i8th September.

R. Anderson, Gunner, Resolution, 12th December.

Thos. Hardiman, Boatswain, Cruizer, 12th December.

The last-named had been with Cook since 1767, and
would have been appointed boatswain to the Resolution
for the next voyage, but his health was very bad at
the time, so he was appointed to a ship on the home
station.

The Sergeant of Marines, John Edgecombe, whom
Cook describes as '*a good soldier, very much of a
Gentleman," was given a lieutenant's commission in
the Marines, and will be again met with on the Resolution.

Cook also drew attention to Isaac Smith and Isaac
Manly as

**both too young for preferment, yet their behaviour
merits the best recommendation. The former was of

214 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

great use to me in assisting to make surveys, plans,
drawings, etc., in which he is very expert."

The result of this recommendation was that the first
was appointed to the Resolution as Master's Mate, and
the second as Midshipman.

Bingley's Journal for Monday, 15th July 1771,
announces :

** On Saturday last an express arrived at the
Admiralty with the agreeable news of the arrival at
the Downs of the Endeavour^ Capt. Cooke, from the
East Indies. This ship sailed in August 1768, with
Mr Banks, Dr Solander, Mr Green, and other ingenious
Gentlemen on board, for the South Seas, to observe
the Transit of Venus ; they have since made a Voyage
round the world, and touched at every coast and island,
where it was possible to get on shore to collect every
species of plants and other rare productions in nature.
Their voyage upon the whole has been as agreeable
and successful as they could have expected, except the
death of Mr Green, who died upon his passage from
Batavia. Dr Solander has been a good deal indisposed,
but it is hoped a few days' refreshment will soon
establish his health. Capt. Cooke and Mr Banks, we
have the pleasure to inform the public, are perfectly
well."

On 23rd July the same paper informs the public
that: *'Upon their arrival the Admiralty seized all the
officers' papers. In consequence of this discovery, more
ships will be destined in search of this new terrestrial
acquisition." On 27th July Bingley has some further
information, but hardly very exact.

**His Majesty's Ship, the Endeavour^ which is lately
arrived in the River from the East Indies, lost by the
unhealthiness of the climate, 70 of her hands, tho' they
were picked men, and had been several times in the
Indies. However, those who survive will have made
their fortunes by traffic, having brought home some
of the richest goods made in the east, which they are

XI.] THE NEWSPAPERS ON THE VOYAGE 215

suffered to dispose of without the inspection of the
Custom House officers. This, our correspondent says,
is allowed them by the Government as a reward for
their hard and dangerous service during a voyage of
three years."

The amount of the ** richest goods made in the
East " that they obtained from New Zealand, Australia,
and Otaheite, would be but a poor reward for three
years' service ; and Cook's premonition that his losses
would be exaggerated is here proved true.

In reference to Cook's report to the Admiralty on
the conduct of his crew, it is worthy of note that there
appear to have been only twenty -one punishments
entered in the log during the whole voyage ; the
heaviest sentence being two dozen lashes for theft —
a wonderful contrast to the usual returns of those days.
In one case, that of Mathew Cox, A.B., for ** dis-
obedience and mutinous conduct," the culprit proceeded
civilly against Cook, on their arrival in England, and
the Admiralty instructed their solicitor to defend. The
result of the case has not been ascertained ; it was
probably allowed to drop.

The good ship, which had so bravely borne them
throughout their long voyage, was not given much
rest, but was ordered to pay off at Woolwich as soon
as conveniently might be ; she was not to be dismantled
more than was absolutely necessary, and, on 8th August
1 77 1, Lieutenant James Gordon was appointed to
command her, with orders to fit for sea with a comple-
ment of forty-five men and six months' provisions ; to
take in his guns and gunners' stores at Galleon's Reach,
and to proceed to the Nore for further orders. On
the same date, the Commissioners for Victualling were
ordered to freight her with stores for the Falkland
Islands, for which place Lieutenant Gordon received
sailing orders on i6th October. On her arrival at
her destination she was laden with ** perishable and

2i6 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap.

unserviceable" stores, and sent back to England. In
November 1772 she again loaded up with stores and
a shallop for the Falklands, whence she returned and
was ordered to pay off and lay up at Deptford on
13th August 1773; but on 23rd November she was
ordered to fit for sea at once, with a complement of
thirty-five men, and proceed without delay to Boston
to take the place of the Britannia store ship, which had
been destroyed by fire. She sailed from the Downs and
when off the Lizard the sealed orders were opened, and
she was sent again to the Falklands instead of America.
She brought away the small garrison and the stores
as the islands were to be handed over to Spain. She
arrived in England again, and paid off at Woolwich
in September 1774, and shortly afterwards the undated
word ''sold " appears against her name in the records.
Mr G. W. Waddington, on the authority of Sir Evan
MacGregor, Secretary to the Admiralty, states that she
was sold in 1775 for the sum of ;^645. Various state-
ments have been made as to her ultimate fate, but in
no case is the evidence quite conclusive. The Daily
Telegraphy in a leading article published on 9th
November 1897, stated that,

**not very long ago, indeed, the Endeavour, if not
the Resolution, those marvellous exploring vessels of
Cook's, were to be seen in the coal tiers at Erith, on
the London River, and possibly one of these still exist."

The editor was unable or unwilling to give his
authority, and the statement is absolutely incorrect as
regards both vessels. Admiral Wharton says, that
after being sold she was trading for some years as a
collier, but he does not give any authority. This is
generally believed to have been the case, and that she
was chiefly sailing in the North Sea.

One day, Mr Gibbs, of the firm of Gibbs and
Canning of Newport R.I., walking with the English

xi.l THE LAST OF THE EJVJDE A VOUI? BA/^I^ 217

Consul of that place, pointed out to him the remains of

an old vessel rapidly falling to decay, and informed him

that that was the old Endeavour in which Captain Cook

sailed round the world. He explained that in 1790, the

French Government were very anxious to compete with

England in the whale fishery, and offered a bounty to

those ships that engaged in that trade under the French

flag. A Mr W. Hayden purchased the old ship from

a firm in Dunkirk, re-christened her La Liberie^ loaded

her with a cargo of oil, and consigned her to Newport

under the French colours, to Messrs Gibbs and

Canning. After being chased by an English ship,

she arrived in Newport and lay alongside one of the

wharves for some months, and then, having at last

received a cargo, she ran aground in trying to leave

the harbour, and proving on survey to be in a very bad

condition, she was allowed to remain where she was and

drop to pieces. It appears that the credentials of the

old ship were considered satisfactory, for a box was

carved out of its timbers and presented to J. Fenimore

Cooper, the American author, together with letters from

the English Consul and other gentlemen, authenticating

as far as possible the vessel from which the wood had

been taken. This gift is mentioned in a preface written

by Miss Cooper to her father's novel, **The Red Rover,"

and it is quite possible that the papers spoken of are

still in the possession of some member of the Cooper

family. Several other relics of the old ship are to be

found in the neighbourhood of Newport, including the

Sampson Post, which at one time was planted in one

of the streets, but was afterwards removed and preserved

in the office of Mr Joshua Sayer of that town.

CHAPTER XII

1 77 1 — PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II

After reporting himself to the Admiralty on his arrival,
Cook proceeded to his home at Mile End Old Town,
and for some time was busily engaged in completing
his Charts and Journal.

The Annual Register states that on 14th August

*^ Lieut. Cook of the Navy, who sailed round the
globe with Dr Solander and Mr Banks, was introduced
to His Majesty at St James's, and presented to His
Majesty his Journal of his Voyage, with some curious
maps and charts of different places that he had drawn
during the voyage ; he was presented with a captain's
commission."

Notwithstanding the fact that he must have been
very fully occupied, he found time to write two letters
to Mr John Walker of Whitby, which, though they
necessarily traverse old ground, are well worth
reproduction.

"Mile End, London,
"17//^ August 1770.

**Dear Sir, — Your very obliging letter came safe
to hand, for which, and your kind enquiries after my
health, I return you my most sincere thanks. I should
have wrote much sooner, but have been in expectation
for several days past of an order to make my voyage
public ; after which I could have wrote with freedom.
As this point is not yet determined upon, I lie under
some restraint. I may, however, venture to inform

218

CHAP. XII.] LETTER TO JOHN WALKER

319

you, that the voyage has fully answered the expectations
of my superiors.

*'I had the honour of an hour's conference with
the king the other day, who was pleased to express his
approbation of my conduct, in terms that were extremely
pleasing to me. I, however, have made no very great
discoveries, yet I have explored more of the Great South
Sea, than all that have gone before me ; in so much,
that little remains now to be done, to have a thorough
knowledge of that part of the globe.

*^ I sailed from England, as well provided for such
a voyage as possible, and a better ship for such a
service I never could wish for. We touched first at
Madeira, and took in wine ; after that, at Rio Janeiro,
where we recruited our provisions. We next touched in
Straits le Maire, in a port in Terra del Fuego, where
we took in wood and water. This was in the month of
January, that is, in the midst of summer ; yet the
weather was exceedingly cold and stormy, with snow.
We left this place towards the latter end of the month,
and in about three weeks' time, got round the Cape
Horn into the South Sea, without ever being once
brought under our close reefed topsails. However, we
had no want of wind. The highest south latitude we
were in was 60° 12' ; and here we had finer weather than
in a lower latitude.

* * We arrived at George's Island, the place of
destination, on the 13th of April '69, having in our
rout thither discovered several islands, which are of no
great note. We met with a very friendly reception by
the natives of George's Island, who supplied us with all
manner of refreshments that the island afforded. We
had here an extraordinary good observation of the
Transit of Venus, which was one of the principal objects
of the voyage.

** We left this island, after a stay of three months, and
afterwards visited some others lying in its neighbour-
hood ; where we were plentifully supplied with fresh
provisions. We left these islands on the 9th of August,
and steered to the Southward, in search of the so
much talked of Southern Continent ; which we did
not find. Before we left the above islands, the voyage
was very agreeable and pleasant, the remainder was
attended with such a variety of circumstances that I

t2o 1771— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

must defer to some other opportunity to enter upon it.
Should I come to the North, I shall certainly call upon
you, and am, with great respect, Sir, your most
obliged humble servant. —

** James Cook."

**To Captain John Walker at Whitby."

The second letter is dated :

**MiLE End Road,
" i^th September 1771.

**SiR, — In my last I gave you some account of my
voyage, so far as the South Sea Islands ; the remainder
shall be the subject of this letter. What I mean by the
South Sea Islands, are those that lie within and about
the tropics. They are in general small, and George's
Island, which is only about 33 leagues in circuit, is
one of the largest. The inhabitants of this island
gave us an account and the names of 130 islands lying
in these seas. They are of two kinds, very low, or
very mountainous. The low islands are such as are
called Keys in the West Indies ; that is, mostly shoals,
ledges of rock, etc. The chief produce of the firm
land is cocoanuts. These and fish, with which all
these islands abound, are the chief support of the
inhabitants. The mountainous parts of the high islands
are in general dry and barren, and, as it were, burned
up with the sun : but all these islands are skirted round
with a border of low land which is fertile and pleasant to
a very high degree, being well clothed with fruit trees,
which nature hath planted here for the use of the happy
natives. These people may be said to be exempted
from the curse of our forefathers. Scarce can it be
said that they earn their bread by the sweat of their
brows. Benevolent nature hath not only provided them
with necessaries, but many of the luxuries of life.
Loaves of bread, or at least what serves as a most
excellent substitute, grow here in a manner spon-
taneously upon trees ; besides a great many other fruits
and roots, and the sea coasts are well stored with a
vast variety of excellent fish. They have only three
species of tame animals, hogs, dogs, and fowls : all

XII.] A SECOND LETTER TO WHITBY 221

of which they eat. Dogs we learnt from them also
to eat, and there were but few among us, who did not
think that a South Sea dog ate as well as an English
lamb. Was I to give a full description of these islands,
the manners and customs of the inhabitants, etc., it
would far exceed the bounds of a letter. I must there-
fore quit these Terrestrial Paradises, in order to follow
the course of our Voyage.

^'In the beginning of August 1769, we quitted the
tropical region, and steered to the southward, in the
midst of the South Sea to the height of 40° without
meeting with any land or the least visible signs of
any ; we then steered to the westward between the
latitude of 30° and 40°, until we fell in with the coast
of New Zealand, a very small part of the west coast
of which was first discovered by Tasman in 1642 ; but
he never once set foot upon it. This country was
thought to be a part of the Southern Continent, but
I have found it to be two large islands, both of which
I circumnavigated in the space of six months. They
extend from the latitude of 34° South to 47^° South, and
are together nearly as big as Great Britain. It is a hilly,
mountainous country, but rich and fertile ; especially
the northern part where it is also well inhabited. The
inhabitants of this country are a strong, well-made,
active people, rather above the common size. They
are of a very dark brown colour with long black hair.
They are also a brave, warlike people, with sentiments
void of treachery. Their arms are spears, clubs,
halberts, battleaxes, darts, and stones. They live in
strongholds or fortified towns, built in well chosen
situations and according to art. We had frequent
skirmishes with them, always where we were not
known, but firearms gave us the superiority. At first
some of them were killed, but we at last learned how
to manage them without taking away their lives ; and
when once peace was settled, they ever after were
our very good friends. These people speak the same
language as the people in the South Sea Islands we
had before visited, though distant from them many
hundred leagues, and of whom they have not the least
knowledge or of any other people whatever. Their
chief food is fish and fern roots ; they have, too, in
places, large plantations of potatoes such as we have

222 177 1— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

in the West Indies, and likewise yams, etc. Land
animals they have none, either wild or tame, except
dogs, which they breed for food. This country pro-
duceth a grass plant like flags, of the nature of hemp
or flax, but superior in quality to either. Of this the
natives make clothing, lines, nets, etc. The men very
often go naked, with only a narrow belt about their
waists ; the women, on the contrary, never appear
naked. Their government, religion, notions of the
creation of the world, mankind, etc., are much the
same as those of the natives of the South Sea Islands.

** We left this country on the ist of April 1770, and
steered for New Holland, all the east part of which
remained undiscovered, my design being to fall in with
the southern part called Van Diemen's Land ; but the
winds forced me to the northwards of it, about 40
leagues, so that we fell in with the land in latitude
38° South. I explored the coast of this country, which I
called New South Wales, to the northern extremity ;
in the doing of which we were many times in great
danger of losing the ship. Once we lay 23 hours upon
a ledge of rocks, were obliged to throw our guns, and
many of our stores overboard, received very much
damage to her bottom, but by a fortunate circumstance
got her into port and repaired her. Great part of this
coast is covered with islands and shoals, which made the
exploring it exceeding dangerous, even to a very great
degree. We sailed upon this coast near 400 leagues
by the lead, with sometimes one, sometimes two and
three boats ahead to direct us, and yet with all this
precaution, we were very often obliged to anchor with
all sails standing to prevent running ashore. We at
last surmounted all difliculties, and got into the Indian
Sea by a passage entirely new.

^'The East Coast of New Holland, or what I call
New South Wales, extends from 38° to ioJ°. If New
Holland can be called an Island, it is by far the greatest
in the known world. The interior part of this immense
track of land is not at all known ; what borders on the
sea coast is a mixture of fertile and barren land : the
soil, in general, is of a loose sandy nature. The natives
of this country are not numerous ; they are of a very
dark brown or chocolate colour, with lank black hair ;
they are under the common size, and seem to be of a

XII.] NAKED AND NOT ASHAMED 223

timorous, inoffensive race of men. They spoke a very
different language from any we had met with. Men,
women, and children go wholly naked. It is said of
our first parents that, after they had eaten the forbidden
fruit, they saw themselves naked and were ashamed ;
these people are naked and are not ashamed. They
live chiefly on fish, and wild fowl, and such other
articles as the land naturally produceth ; for they do
not cultivate one foot of it. These people may truly be
said to be in the pure state of nature, and may appear
to some to be the most wretched upon earth ; but in
reality they are far more happy than we Europeans,
being wholly unacquainted, not only with the super-
fluities, but with many of the necessary conveniences
so much sought after in Europe ; they are happy in
not knowing the use of them. They live in a tranquillity
which is not disturbed by the inequality of condition ;
the earth, and sea, of their own accord, furnish them
with all things necessary for life ; they covet not
magnificent houses, household stuff, etc. ; they sleep
as sound in a small hovel, or even in the open air, as
the King in his palace on a bed of down.

*^ After quitting New Holland, we steered for the
Coast of New Guinea, where we landed but once ;
then made the best of our way to Batavia and in our
way touched at an island, partly under the Dutch East
India Company. Here we got plenty of refreshments,
which came very acceptable.

'^We arrived at Batavia in October all in good
health and high spirits. On our arrival at a European
settlement we thought all our hardships at an end, but
Providence thought proper to order it otherwise. The
repairs the ship wanted caused a delay of near 10 weeks,
in which time we contracted sickness, that here, and
on our passage to the Cape of Good Hope, carried off
above 30 of my people. The remainder of the voyage
was attended with no material circumstances.

'^ If any interesting circumstance should occur to me
that I have omitted, I will hereafter acquaint you with it.
I, however, expect that my Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty will very soon publish the whole voyage,
charts, etc.

*' Another voyage is thought of with two ships,
which if it takes place I believe the command will be

224 1 77 1— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

conferred upon me. If there is anything that I can
inform you of in respect to my late voyage I shall take
a pleasure in it, and believe me to be, — Your obliged
servt — James Cook."

Cook, as has been shown, was appointed to the
Scorpion ; and he was ordered to fit for sea, with three
months' provisions, and then to proceed to the Nore
for further orders ; but owing to his having to clear up
his work relating to his late voyage, and then to the
preparations for the new one which was almost
immediately decided on, he had no time to see any-
thing of his new ship.

Edgeworth, in his ** Memoirs," states that in 1771
Cook was a very frequent visitor at Mr Louis Way's
house, Denham Place, but as Mr Way, a Fellow of the
Royal Society, died in that year, and also as Edgeworth
about the same time speaks of ** Omai of Otaheite " who
came to England in the Adventure, it seems more than
probable that he has confused Mr L. Way with his
brother Mr Benjamin Way, also F.R.S., and a Director
of the South Sea Company ; and that the visits to
Denham Place were paid after the return from the
second voyage. In another place Edgeworth infers that
in 77^5 Sir Joseph Banks, Dr Solander, and Captain
Cook were members of a club that met at Slaughter's
Coffee House. Of course that is an error, as they
were then quite unknown to each other, and it has been
ascertained that, though frequently a guest. Cook was
never a member of the Royal Societies Club — the one
to which Edgeworth refers.

Fanny Burney, afterwards Madame d'Arblay, writes,
under date 13th September 1771 :

** My Father," Dr Charles Burney, ^' spent a few
days lately at * Hinchinbroke ' (Lord Sandwich's) to
meet Mr Banks, Captain Cook, and Dr Solander,
recently returned from the South Seas,"

XII.] MOTIVE FOR SECOND VOYAGE 225

and it is evident that by this time the second voyage
had been resolved on, for Dr Burney's son, James, was
introduced to Cook by Lord Sandwich, with the idea
of his accompanying the circumnavigator on his second
voyage. Young Burney had entered at the age of
ten years as midshipman in Admiral Montagu's ship.
Shortly after this meeting Lord Sandwich and Dr
Burney were at Houghton, the seat of Lord Orford,
when the former asked if the Doctor could recommend
any one who was capable of writing the history of the
voyage of the Endeavour-^ and on his mentioning Dr
Hawkesworth, Lord Sandwich desired that he should
be introduced to him on their return to town. Fanny
Burney destroyed a considerable portion of her
memoirs, but kept a sort of index in which there are
several references to Cook, whom apparently she met
in society and in her own home.

The second voyage was decided on and, as was to
be expected, the command was given to Cook. The
discussion as to the existence of a Southern Continent
was resumed with renewed vigour ; many theorists, led
by Dalrymple, contended that Cook had not finally
settled the point, but had left far too much space
untraversed. Cook, in his introduction to his account
of the second voyage, says :

**To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a
matter so curious and important, was His Majesty's
principal motive in directing this voyage to be under-
taken, the history of which is now submitted to the
public, ?>., the existence of another continent in the
South."

It was decided that two ships were to be employed,
and orders were issued as to the provision of suitable
craft, and Cook, in writing about the selection of these
vessels, says :

^'The success of such undertakings as making

226 I77I— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

discoveries in distant parts of the world, will principally
depend on the preparations being well adapted to what
ought to be the first consideration, namely, the preserva-
tion of the adventurers and ships ; and this will chiefly
depend on the kind, the size, and the properties of the
ships chosen for the service. These primary considera-
tions will not admit of any other, that may interfere
with the necessary properties of the ships. Therefore,
in chusing the ships, should any of the most
advantageous properties be wanting, and the necessary
room in them be, in any degree, diminished for less
important purposes, such a step would be laying a
foundation for rendering the undertaking abortive in the
first instance. The ship must not be of great draught
but of sufficient capacity to carry a proper quantity of
provisions and stores for the crew, and of such construc-
tion that she will bear to take the ground, and of such
a size that she can be conveniently laid on shore if
necessary for repairing any damages or defects,- and
these qualities are to be found in North Country built
ships, such as are built for the coal trade, and in none
other."

It was upon such considerations that the Endeavour
had been selected, and to her qualities Cook attributed
much of his success. He says that if other discoverers
had had vessels more suitable to the purpose for which
they were used, they would in all probability have been
able to produce better results.

It has been stated that Cook selected these two
vessels when in Whitby, but it will shortly be seen that
they were purchased and entered in the Navy List some
time before his visit to the north, so it may be assumed
that they were purchased when in the Thames as the
Endeavour was ; and it seems very certain that they
were selected by Cook himself. They were both built
by Fishburn of Whitby, and were purchased from
Captain W. Hammond of Hull.

The larger of the two was 462 tons burthen, cost
;^4,i5i, was received into the Royal Navy under the
name of the Drake^ and was fitted out at Deptford as a

MODEL OF THE RESOLUTION
Made at Messrs Fishburns yard, and nozv in the Museum, Whitby.

ITofdcep. 226.

XII.] PURCHASE OF THE SHIPS 227

sloop, at a cost of ;^6,568 (this sum probably covering
the cost of the final alterations as well as that of the
original fitting). At the time of her purchase she was
about fourteen months old.

The second ship of 336 tons, was received as the
Raleigh^ was also fitted at Deptford as a sloop, was
eighteen months old at the time of purchase, and cost
;^2,i03.

On 25th December the names of the two ships were
changed, the Drake becoming the Resolution^ and the
Raleigh the Adventure,

The formal appointment of Cook to the command
ran as follows : —

** Having appointed you Commander of His
Majesty's Sloop Drake^ at Deptford, which we have
ordered to be sheathed, filled, fitted, and stored at that
place for a voyage to remote parts, mann'd with one
hundred, and ten men agreeable to the scheme hereto
annexed, and victualled for Twelve months for the said
complement with all species of provisions except beer,
of which she is to have as much as she can conveniently
stow : you are hereby required and directed to use the
utmost despatch in getting her ready for the sea accord-
ingly, and then falling down to Galleons Reach, take in
her guns and gunners' stores at that place, and then
proceed to the Nore for further orders.

''Given 2&th Novr. 1771. J. Duller.

Palmerston.
A. Hervey.

"To Capt. John {sic) Cook.
Drake, Deptford."

The complement of the Raleigh {Adventure) was
eighty, and to both ships two additional carpenters*
mates were added later on. Cook received orders not
to bear any servants on his books, but to take A.B.'s
instead, and each officer entitled to a servant was ** to be
paid an allowance by Bill equal to the wages of the
number of servants respectively allowed them."

228 177 1— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

The same day that Cook's appointment was written,
the following commissions were issued :

Mr James Cook Commander Drake Sloop

Mr Robert Palliser Cooper ist Lieutenant ,, ,,

Mr Charles Clerke 2nd ,, ,, ,,

Mr Tobias Furneaux Commander Raleigh ,,

Lieut. Joseph Shank ist Lieutenant ,, ,,

and the day following,

Lieut. Richard Pickersgill 3rd Lieutenant Drake ,,

The Vestal^ Frigate, was appointed receiving ship
whilst the sloops were in the dry dock, and no difficulty
was experienced in obtaining men. In fact so many
came forward that Cook asked for directions as to
whether he should discharge those he rejected or hand
them over to other ships. Of the officers appointed he
writes :

**I had all the reason in the World to be perfectly
satisfied with the choice of the officers. The Second
and Third Lieutenants, the Lieutenant of Marines, two
of the Warrant officers, and several of the Petty officers
had been with me during the former voyage. The
others were men of known abilities, and all of them on
every occasion showed their zeal for the service in which
they were employed during the whole voyage."

Two days after receiving his orders. Cook hoisted
his pendant and undertook the superintendence of the
alterations that it had been decided should be made
for the accommodation of the scientists who were to
accompany the expedition under the asgis of Mr Banks.
They were to comprise Dr Solander, Zoffani, the
portrait painter, Dr Lynd of Edinburgh, to secure
whose services Parliament had made a special grant of
;£'4,ooo, though *'what discoveries they expected him
to make I could not understand," says Cook. Nine

XII.] A VISIT TO YORKSHIRE 829

others, draughtsmen and servants, completed the list, at
least three more than were thought necessary when the
vessel was purchased. The alterations required for
their accommodation were

' ' to raise her upper works about a foot, to lay a spar
deck upon her from the quarter-deck to the forecastle
(she having at this time a low waist), and to build a
round house or couch for my accommodation, so that
the great cabin might be appropriated to the use of Mr
Banks alone."

Captain Palliser, who at this time was Comptroller
of the Navy, was strongly opposed to these alterations,
as he asserted that they could not be carried out without
seriously influencing the sailing qualities of the sloop,
and though his opinion was overborne, it in the end
proved to be correct.

As soon as these alterations were fairly under weigh,
Cook wrote as follows to the Admiralty : —

"Admiralty Office,
"14//^ December 1771.

((

Sir, — Having some business to transact in York-
shire, as well as to see an aged father, please to move
my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to grant
me three weeks' leave of absence for that purpose. I
am, etc., etc.,

** James Cook.*'

This application was at once granted, and Cook
went to Ay ton, where his father was residing, and for
the first time for seventeen years was again amongst
his own people, unless, indeed, he had paid them a
visit when he was on his way either to or from Leith
in 1757 ; but of that there is no record. Whilst at
Ayton he made the acquaintance of Commodore Wilson
of the East India Company's service, which soon
ripened into a firm friendship that lasted till the end.
The Commodore had received that rank for his

230 I77I— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

distinguished conduct in saving three of the Company's
ships from the attack of two French men-of-war off
the Cape of Good Hope, and he had also, in 1759,
discovered the passage through Pitt Straits, on the
north-west of New Guinea, into the China Seas. From
Ayton, Cook went to Whitby, and was met some miles
out of that town by many of the leading men of the
place. From the Walkers he received the heartiest of
welcomes, and it is related that the old housekeeper,
Mary Prowd, had been carefully instructed that a
Commander in His Majesty's Navy was a very different
person from one of her master's apprentices, and that
he must be received with all the marks of respect due
to his rank. She promised obedience, but, when the
time came, she forgot her instructions, and opening
wide her arms, exclaimed : **Oh honey James! How
glad I is to see thee ! " A welcome, probably dearer
to the heart of Cook than any other could have been,
and a proof of the affectionate regard the man was
capable of inspiring.

In February Cook was back again in London, for
Dr Charles Burney, in his *' Memoirs," says that
during that month

**I had the honour of receiving the illustrious
Captain Cooke to dine with me in Queen's Square,"
(Bloomsbury) ^' previously to his second voyage round
the world. Observing upon a table, Bougainville's
^Voyage Autour du Monde,' he turned it over, and
made some curious remarks on the illiberal conduct of
that circumnavigator towards himself when they met
and crossed each other ; which made me desirous to
know, in examining the chart of M. de Bougainville
the several tracks of the two navigators, and exactly
where they had crossed or approached each other.

'* Captain Cook instantly took a pencil from his
pocket book and said he would trace the route ; which
he did in so clear and scientific a manner that I would
not take fifty pounds for my book. The pencil marks,
having been fixed by skim milk, will be always visible."

XII.] FITTING OUT 231

This volume is in the British Museum, and the
pencil marks on the chart are as distinct as on the
day on which they were made.

The structural alterations to the ship were com-
pleted at the beginning of February, and on the 6th
she was hauled out of dry dock, and they commenced
to rig her masts and take in her ballast and stores.
With reference to her fitting out, Cook says :

*' Every department seemed to vie with the other
in equiping these two ships, every standing rule and
order in the Navy was dispensed with, every altera-
tion, every necessary and useful article, was granted as
soon as asked for."

In another place Cook refers to the anxiety of
the Navy Board to see that the quality and suitability
of the stores were everything that could be desired,
and the amount issued was increased from one year's
to two and a half years' supply. In fact, Cook appears
practically to have received carte blanche — an incident
almost without parallel in the history of the Navy,
and a distinct mark of the appreciation of the Lords
of the Admiralty. In again speaking at this period
about his two ships he says: ''In my opinion they
were as well adapted to the intended service as if
they had been built for the purpose."

The Resolution was hauled out into the river on
19th February, and remained off Deptford, taking in
stores and provisions till the 9th of April, when she
dropped down to the sheerhulk at Woolwich, and was
there detained by contrary winds till the 22nd, when
they managed to get to Longreach, where they were
joined by the Adventure^ and the two sloops proceeded
to take in their guns and gunners' stores. Twelve
carriage guns and twelve swivel musketoons for the
Resolution^ and ten carriage guns and ten swivels for
the Adventure, These were to have been taken on board

232 1 77 1— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

at Galleon's Reach as usual, but the Resolution was
now drawing too much water — seventeen feet. Even
at this time Cook was feeling very doubtful about her
sailing qualities ; he thought she was rather over-
weighted with her new upper works, and would prove
crank, but

**as the Gentlemen's apartments were full of heavy-
baggage and the sloop a good deal lumbered aloft
with heavy and some useless articles, which we might
soon get rid of or get into the hold after we had
consumed some of our provisions, I still entertained
hopes that she would bear all her additional works,
and suspended giving any other opinion until a full
trial had been made of her, foreseeing what would be
the consequence in case she did not answer in the
manner she was now fitted."

The marines were embarked on the 29th, and on
2nd May Mr Banks gave an entertainment at which
Lord Sandwich, the French Ambassador, and other
distinguished personages, were present. Cook notes
that Lord Sandwich had been on board several times
before, and remarks that it is *^a laudable tho' rare
thing in a First Lord of the Admiralty."

On 7th May, an unfortunate event occurred. Mr
Sandford, one of the midshipmen, was with the launch
alongside the sheerhulk at Woolwich, and by some
means fell into the water and was drowned. He was
a smart young fellow, and much liked by his brother
officers. Cook says :

"Some officious person, the next day, informed Sir
George Saville that James Strong, one of the seamen,
threw him overboard, in consequence of which he was
taken into custody, but upon examination this charge
could not be proved, and he thereupon was released ;
he, however, found means to escape from the officer
who was sent to take him on board, and we saw
him no more."

XII.] A CRANK SHIP

233

Cook now obtained a few days' leave in which to
make his final arrangements, and the Resolution was
ordered to proceed to the Downs under the first
lieutenant, whilst the Adventure was ordered to
Plymouth ; both vessels sailing from Longreach on
the loth. The wind being contrary, the Resolution was
compelled to work her passage down the river, and
made such slow progress that she was four days getting
down to the Nore, and on her arrival there Mr Cooper
reported the very *^ crank" state of the ship to Cook,
who at once wrote to the Admiralty that he considered
it unsafe to proceed any further with her in that
condition, and proposed that her poop should be cut
down, her masts shortened, and her guns should be
exchanged from six pounders to four pounders. The
Navy Board, however, proposed to take off the whole
of her new upper works and restore her as far as
possible to her original state. It was ordered that
she should proceed to Sheerness, that the Board's
proposals should be carried out, and her Captain
should join his ship to see that the alterations were
well and expeditiously completed. Before leaving
London he wrote to Mr Stephens, as he had heard
some rumours that he was not satisfied with the ships
that had been provided for the voyage, as follows :

^^i()th May 1771.

"Sir, — In consequence of Lieut. Cooper represent-
ing to me that the Resolution Sloop, under my command,
was found upon tryal to be so crank that she would
not bear her proper sail to be set upon her, I gave
it as my opinion that it was owing to the additional
works that have been built upon her in order to
make large accommodation for the several gentlemen
passengers intended to embark in her, and proposed
that she might be cut down to her original, which
proposal I laid before you in my letter of the 14th
inst., and likewise attended the Navy Board, who were
pleased to inform me of the alteration they proposed

234 I77I— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

to make, which alteration, I am of opinion, will render
her as fit to perform the voyage as any ship whatever.

^^ I understand that it has been suggested that I never
thought her or these kind of vessels proper for the
service she is going upon. I beg you will acquaint
their Lordships that I do now and ever did think her
the most proper ship for this service I ever saw, and
that from the knowledge and experience I have had of
these sort of vessels, I shall always be of opinion that
only such are proper to be sent on Discoveries to very
distant parts. — I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

^^ James Cook."

On the 2 1 St, Cook again wrote to Mr Stephens from
the ship, saying that he was quite satisfied with the
progress that was being made with the alterations, and
that he would take every care to have her properly
fitted for sea. He also mentioned that a man had
been in the yard who knew the ship when she was in
the merchant service and

** he with great confidence and some warmth asserted
that at that time she was not only a stiff ship, but had
as many other good qualities as any ship ever built in
Whitby. This tends to refute some false suggestions
that have been thrown out against her. I can only
assure you that there does not remain the least doubt
but what she will answer every wished for purpose."

He also stated that he had heard a rumour that the
men were afraid to sail in her, and in reply calls attention
to the fact that she is moored alongside the jetty at the
time of writing, and the men were able to go on shore
when they pleased, and yet he had not lost one single
man.

Mr Banks strongly disapproved of the new altera-
tions that were being carried out, and tried his utmost
to persuade the Lords of the Admiralty to condemn the
Resolution as unfit for the voyage, and to substitute for
her an East Indiaman or a 40-gun ship, but Cook as

xii.] REFITTING 235

strongly objected to either type of vessel for the purpose
of the present expedition, and said that many of the
arguments advanced by Mr Banks's friends were very
absurd, but still they succeeded in raising such an
acrimonious discussion that it was fully expected the
matter would be brought before Parliament. The
Admiralty, however, stood by the Navy Board, and
Cook writes, on being ordered to take charge of the
ship, and to suggest anything that he thought would
improve her, that it was

*^ a piece of service I went the more readily about, as
having not the least doubt within myself but what I
must succeed. Indeed I had it much at heart, as she
was the ship of my choice, and as I then thought, and
still think, the properest ship for the service she is
intended for, of any I ever saw."

On his arrival at Sheerness he found the spardeck
already removed, and great progress made with the
other alterations ordered. He at once sanctioned an
alteration to her waist suggested by the chief carpenter,
and ordered two feet to be taken off the masts.

Mr Banks accompanied by Dr Solander went down
to inspect on the 24th, and on his return to town he
intimated to the Lords of the Admiralty that he should
not go the voyage as ^'the ship was neither roomy nor
convenient enough for his purpose, nor no ways proper
for the voyage." Cook observes :

^* These were the principal reasons Mr Banks assigned
for giving up a voyage, the preparing for which had
cost him about Five Thousand Pounds ; he probably
had others which he did not care to declare, at least,
whoever saw the sloop and the appartments that were
allotted to him and his people could not help but think
so. Be this as it may, not only Mr Banks and his
whole suite, but Dr Lynd gave up the voyage, and
their baggage, etc., were got out of the sloop and sent

236 I77I— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

to London, after which no more complaints were heard
for want of room, etc."

Charles Gierke, Second Lieutenant of the Resolution^
who was on very friendly terms with Banks, wrote to
him on 31st May saying: "Indeed I am sorry I'm not
to have the honour of attending you the other bout."

And it is very evident from his letter that the want
of accommodation was the main reason for Banks's with-
drawal from the expedition, for he says :

**They are going to stow the major part of the
cables in the hold to make room for the people now.
I asked Gilbert ; if such was the present case, * what
the devil should we have done if we had all gone?'
*Oh, by God, that was impossible,' was his answer."

That there was no serious breach between Cook and
Banks at this time the following letter shows.

"Sheerness, indjune 1772.

** Sir, — I received your letter by one of your people
acquainting me that you had order'd everything belong-
ing to you to be removed out of the ship, and desiring
my assistance therein. I hope, Sir, you will find this
done to your satisfaction, and with that care the present
hurry and confused state of the ship required. Some
few articles which were for the mess, I have kept, for
which together with the money I have remaining in my
hands, I shall account with you when I come to town.
Taught by experience not to trust to the knowledge
of servants, the whole of every necessary article want-
ing in such a voyage, I had, independant of what I
purchased for the mess, lay'd in a stock of most articles,
which will be now quite sufficient for me, and is the
reason why I have not kept more of yours. The cook
and two French horn men are at liberty to go whenever
they please. Several of the casks your things are in,
belong to the King, are charged to me, and for which I
must be accountable. I shall be much obliged to you
to send them to the victualling office when they are
emptied, but desire that you will by no means put

XII.] BANKS'S WITHDRAWAL 237

yourself to any inconveniency on this head, as I shall
not be call'd upon to account for them until my return.
If it should not be convenient to send down for what
may be still remaining in the ship of yours, they shall
be sent you by, Sir, yours, etc., etc.,

''James Cook."

'' I pray my best respects to the Dr, and since I am
not to have your company in the Resolution^ I most
sincerely wish you success in all your exploring under-
takings."

The newspapers endeavoured to throw a political
colour over the withdrawal of Mr Banks from any share
in the voyage, and Bingley's Journal of 26th May says :

'* The intended voyage of Mr Banks and Dr Solander
to the South Seas, it is now said, is entirely laid aside, the
Spanish Ambassador having represented to our Ministry
that it would give umbrage to his Master."

Again, on 15th June, the same Journal says :

'* The true reason that Messrs Banks and Solander do
not go to the South Seas is, the Court of Spain have
strongly remonstrated against our navigating in those
Seas, and our Court have meanly and cowardly given
up the original design. And to cover their baseness
in this matter the ship intended for Messrs Banks, etc.,
was fitted out in so bad a manner the gentlemen could
not go in her. This pitiful trick was contrived to throw
the blame upon them, which really belongs to the
Ministry. (Our correspondent's further observations
on this fact are under consideration.)"

Evidently a discreet dread of the law of libel
prevented their publication, as nothing further appeared
on the subject.

The preface to an account of the voyage, published by
Newberry in 1775, from the Journal of James Marra,
gunner's mate on the Resolution^ who shipped as A.B.
on the Endeavour at Batavia, and about whom a dispute

238 I77I— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap.

arose with the Dutch, states that the great success of the
voyage was doubtless due to their having shaken off
*^the train of gentlemen," who **with their attendants
occupied the chief accommodations of the ship," and
whose presence would have rendered it ^ ' out of the
power of the most determined officer to have carried
such a princely retinue through the icy regions which
they were to pass, without murmurs, or perhaps mutiny."
The writer also suggests that there was truth in the
report that, had Banks gone, it was the intention to
spend a considerable time in investigating Australia,
which was to be made the place of refreshment instead
of New Zealand. The great interest afterwards shown
by Banks in the settlement of New South Wales, lends
colour to this suggestion. On 13th July Mr Banks
and his party sailed for Iceland vid Ireland, and
Scotland.

As soon as it was known that Mr Banks had with-
drawn from the expedition, Mr John Reinhold Forster,
a German naturalist of some reputation, applied for the
appointment of naturalist for the voyage, and having
secured the interest of Lord Sandwich, obtained the
position. He was to receive the ;^4,ooo, which had
been granted by Parliament to secure the services of
Dr Lynd, and out of it he was to supply all the
scientific instruments he required, and pay all expenses
beyond the usual ship allowances of food. His son,
John George Adam Forster, a youth of eighteen, who
afterwards attained some note by his writings and
translations, accompanied him as his assistant. The
Board of Longitude appointed Messrs Wales and
Bayley as the astronomers, and instructed them to take
and compare observations on every possible occasion,
and to take charge of the timepieces that were on
board the ships for the purpose of being tested as to
their accuracy and capabilities in assisting in ascertain-
ing the longitude. Two of these instruments made

XII.] DR PRIESTLEY 239

by Arnold were placed in Mr Bay ley's charge on board
the Adventure^ and two, one made by Arnold, and the
other by Kendal on Harrison's principle, under the care
of Mr Wales on the Resolution, Great precautions were
taken to prevent any accident or tampering with these
instruments, and they were kept in boxes, each having
three keys, one in charge of the astronomer, one with
the captain, and one with the first lieutenant, so that
they could not even be wound up except in the presence
of all three.

Mr William Hodges, a painter of repute, was
specially appointed by the Admiralty to take views of
the principal places of interest visited by the ships ; and
his pictures were to be the property of the Admiralty.

The celebrated Dr Joseph Priestley, at that time
minister at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, had been invited
by Banks to accompany the expedition as astronomer,
and had signified his willingness to do so, his congrega-
tion having guaranteed him his position on his return ;
but so strong an objection was taken to his religious
opinions that Banks did not feel he could successfully
press the appointment, and his application was with-
drawn. Dr Priestley writes in his '* Memoirs " :

*' Whilst I was at Leeds, a proposal was made to me,
to accompany Captain Cook, in his second voyage to
the South Seas. As the terms were very advantageous,
I consented to it, and the heads of my congregation had
agreed to keep an assistant to supply my place during
my absence. But Mr Banks informed me that I was
objected to by some clergymen in the Board of
Longitude, who had the direction of this business, on
account of my religious principles : and, presently after,
I heard that Dr Forster, a person far better qualified for
the purpose, had got the appointment. As I had barely
acquiesced in the proposal, this was no disappointment
to me, and I was much better employed at home,
even with respect to my philosophical pursuits. My
knowledge of Natural History was not sufficient for the

240 1 77 1— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II [chap. xii.

undertaking, but at this time I should, by application,
have been able to supply my deficiency, though now
I am sensible I could not do it."

From this extract it would appear that he expected to
have had charge of the general scientific observations,
but he was invited by Banks to join the expedition on
account of his astronomical knowledge.

CHAPTER XIII

1 772-1 774 — SECOND VOYAGE

On 2 1 St June Cook said farewell to his family, and, in
company with Mr Wales, left London for Sheerness,
from which place the Resolution sailed for the Nore on
the following day. She was now drawing only fifteen
feet ten inches of water instead of seventeen as before her
alteration, which was looked upon as a very satisfactory
improvement. She was given a good trial on a wind,
and she was found *'to answer exceeding well." After
a short detention at the Nore, caused by adverse wind,
she reached the Downs on the 26th, anchored there
for the night, and then proceeded to Plymouth, where
she arrived on 3rd July. The day previously they were
boarded by Lord Sandwich and Captain Palliser, who
were on a tour of inspection, and Cook was thus able to
give them personally a most satisfactory account of his
ship — '^ I had not one fault to al ledge."

On their arrival at Plymouth Cook found that orders
had been given, that he was to be supplied with what-
ever he thought necessary from the stores ; but it appears
that the only thing he required was the replacing the
coppers of the distilling apparatus, as those he had, on
being tried as they were coming down the Channel, had
proved too small. On loth July the officers and men of
both ships were paid their wages up to 28th May, and
the petty officers and crew were also paid two months
advance, in order that they might be able to provide
necessaries and extras for the voyage.

241 Q

242 1 772-1 774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

Cook says :

**The payment of six months' wages to the officers
and crews of these two sloops, being nearly all they had
due, was an indulgence never before granted to any of
His Majesty's Ships."

The final orders were delivered to Cook, the heads of
which he had seen in London, and he writes : *^ Indeed
I was consulted at the time they were drawn up, and
nothing was inserted that I did not fully comprehend
and approve of." They were to the effect that he was
first to make for Madeira for a supply of wine ; thence
to sail to the Cape of Good Hope and refresh his
crew ; then to sail to the southward to endeavour to
find Cape Circumcision, which M. Bouvet had placed
in latitude 54° S., longitude 11° 20' E. He was to
determine if it formed part of a continent, and if so to
explore it, following the coast, and to endeavour to get
as near to the South Pole as he could without seriously
endangering his ships or crews. If Cape Circumcision
proved to be on an island, or if he was unable to find
it, he was to proceed as far south as he thought there
was any probability of meeting with land, and then,
steering to the eastward, to circumnavigate the world
in as high a latitude as he could. In the case of
meeting with land all his discoveries were to be explored
as far as time would permit. Whenever the season of
the year rendered it unsafe to remain in a high latitude,
he was to retire to some known place to the north to
refit and recruit, and then to return to the south. In
the case of anything unforeseen happening, he was to
use his own discretion, and if the Resolution should be
lost, he was to prosecute his voyage in search of the
new continent in the Adventure, A copy of these
orders was given to Captain Furneaux, and, in case
of separation from any cause, the following places
were named as rendezvous : Madeira, Port Praya in

XIII.] MR FORSTER "SAVES" THE SHIP 243

the island of St lago, the Cape of Good Hope, and
New Zealand.

Previously to leaving Plymouth, Messrs Wales and
Bayley made very careful observations on Drake's
Island, in order to obtain the correct latitude and
longitude, so that the timepieces might be started and
rated. Two of the ^^ watch machines," made by
Arnold, were lent to the expedition by the Royal
Society, and are still preserved.

The Forsters do not appear to have been very
pleasant travelling companions, and at one time or
another seem to have quarrelled with every one on board
the ship. At the very first, the father expressed great
dissatisfaction with the accommodation set apart for
him, and offered Mr Cooper the sum of ;^ioo for his
cabin, and when this offer was declined, he tried to
force the Master, Mr Gilbert, to give up his, accompany-
ing his request with a threat that if he refused, he
should be reported to the king and turned out of the
Navy : in fact, this threat was a favourite one, and very
soon became a by-word amongst the sailors, who,
according to Mr Wales, would use it to each other on
every possible occasion. However, Mr Forster, accord-
ing to his own account, saved the Resolution on 12th July
from serious disaster, if not total destruction. He says
that he came on deck and noticed that the ship was adrift
from her moorings, and neither the officer of the watch
nor the man on the look-out had seen it till he called
attention to it, and then, after a scene of great confusion,
the ship was most fortunately brought up just in time,
within a few feet of the rocks. According to the
Master's log, it appears that the ship did get adrift,
but before Mr Forster made his appearance on deck the
fact had been reported to the captain, who was in his
cabin, by Mr Gilbert, who had turned up all hands, set
the jib and forestay sail, and the ship dropped quietly
down into the sound and anchored, never having been

244 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

for a single moment in the slightest danger. The only
other person who makes any note of the affair is Mid-
shipman Willis, who simply remarks '^dropped from
the Buoy and anchored in the Sound."

Having been furnished with the private signals of
the East India Company's Navy, and with letters of
introduction from the Prince of Orange to all the
officers of the Dutch East India Company, who were
thereby instructed to afford the expedition, as far as
it lay in their power, every assistance that might be
required, Cook, at 5 a.m. on 13th July, hoisted the
signal to the Adventure to weigh anchor, and the two
sloops sailed for Madeira with a north-west breeze.
When fairly out into the Channel the crew of the
Resolution was mustered, and it was found that, owing
to a mistake on the part of the. clerk, there was one
man more than the complement, so John Coglan was
entered on the ^'Supernumerary List for Wages and
Victuals."

On the 23rd they were able to relieve the necessities
of a small French boat which had met with very bad
weather between Ferrol and Corunna, and had been
blown far out of her course. She had been very short
of water for a fortnight, and her crew were grateful
for a supply from the Resolution, The next day they
fell in with three Spanish men-of-war, one of which
fired a gun to bring the Adventure to. The Commander
enquired who they were, where they were going, and
on receiving the reply, said: *'I wish you a good
voyage." Cook says : '* The sternmost hoisted English
colours and fired a gun to leeward, and soon after hoisted
his own proper colours, and spoke with the Adventure.^'
Mr Forster takes advantage of the opportunity and
waxes eloquent, describing the event as ''a scene so
humiliating to the masters of the sea." Marra's Journal
says that when the Spaniards were informed that they
had stopped a king's ship, which they would not know

XIII.] THE FIRST DEATHS 245

from the build and rig of the vessels, they ''made
a proper apology, and very politely took leave, wish-
ing them a good voyage." As Cook was not the sort
of man to put up with humiliation without some sort
of objection, it would seem that Forster's indignation
was somewhat out of place.

On 29th July they arrived at Madeira, and being
at once granted pratique, they landed and were most
kindly received by Mr Loughnan, a merchant of Funchal,
who procured for them the few stores they required,
obtained permission for the Forsters to examine the
island, and entertained some of the party at his own
residence during the whole of the stay of the ships.
Knowing the value of onions as an antiscorbutic,
Cook purchased as many as he thought would keep
good, and ordered them to be served out regularly
to the crews as long as the supply lasted.

On 1st August anchor was weighed, and they sailed
for Port Praya, St lago, for a supply of water, passing
the Canaries on the 4th. At Port Praya they were
able to purchase a supply of pigs, goats, and fowls,
and a good assortment of fruits — chiefly oranges and
bananas. Sailing again on the 14th, they had the
first loss on the Resolution on the 19th. One of the
carpenter's mates named Henry Smook, who was at
work on one of the scuttles, fell overboard, and
unfortunately was not seen till he was right under the
stern, and, though every effort to save him was made,
it was unavailing. Cook says he was a good and
steady workman, and that his loss was often felt
throughout the voyage.

On 27th August Cook learnt that Midshipman
Lambrecht, of the Adventure^ had died of fever, and on
8th September, Midshipman Kemp of the same ship
also died of the same complaint. Captain Furneaux
attributed both deaths to their having bathed and drunk
too much water at Port Praya in the heat of the day.

246 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

At this time the Resolution had a clean bill of health,
but for fear that the heavy rains, to which they were
continually being subjected, might cause sickness, the
ship was constantly fumigated, washed down, and
thoroughly dried by means of stoves as advised by
Captains Palliser and Campbell, with good results.
On nearing the Cape, soundings were taken in the
endeavour to locate a bank that had been reported ;
but the attempt was unsuccessful. On 30th October
they arrived in Table Bay after a very satisfactory
voyage. Cook had been told before leaving England
that at that season of the year he would probably have
to encounter a great deal of calm weather ; but he
appears to have been very fortunate in that respect.
The currents were found to be very strong, but he
came to the conclusion that those encountered to
the north of the Equator were balanced by those to
the south, for he found that the difference between
the longitude ascertained by dead reckoning was only
three-quarters of a degree less than that obtained by
observation.

On landing at the Cape they were well received
by the Dutch Governor, Baron Plattenberg, who told
Cook that he had received instructions from Holland
that the two sloops were to have every assistance they
required that the place could afford them. He also
informed him that two French ships commanded by
M. de Kerguelen, had discovered land in 48° S., near
the meridian of Mauritius, but after sailing along the
coast for a distance of some forty miles, he had been
blown off in a heavy gale in which he lost both boats
and men. Two other French ships had called in, also,
in March, on their way to explore the South Pacific
under the command of M. Marion.

Messrs Wales and Bayley got their instruments
ashore in order to make observations for the purpose
of correcting the '^ watch machines." That made by

XIII.] AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE 247

Kendal was found to be working very well, and gave
the longitude within one minute of time when compared
with that fixed by Messrs Mason and Dixon in 1761.

The First Lieutenant of the Adventure^ Mr Shank,
who had been ill almost from the day on which they
left England, feeling that he was not in a fit state to
cope with the hardships that would have to be met
with in a voyage to the Antarctic Ocean, applied for
leave to return home, which was at once granted ; and
Mr Arthur Kempe was appointed to succeed him, his
place as second lieutenant being taken by Mr James
Burney. Mr Sparrman, who was a pupil of Linnaeus,
and was engaged by Mr Forster to assist him, makes
his appearance on the muster rolls as *' servant."

The crews were well looked after, as much time
as possible was allowed to all on shore, and fresh meat
and vegetables, with fresh baked bread, was served out
every day in ample quantity, so that when the ships
sailed for the south, they were all **in as good a
condition as when they left England." Mr Hodges
employed himself in making sketches of the neighbour-
hood, which were duly forwarded to the Admiralty.
Cook himself found time to write as follows to Mr
Walker of Whitby.

"Cape of Good Hope
"28//^ Novr. 1772.

** Dear Sir, — Having nothing new to communicate,
I should hardly have troubled you with a letter were
it not customary for men to take leave of their friends
before they go out of the world ; for I can hardly
think myself in it, so long as I am deprived of having
any connexion with the civilised part of it, and this
will soon be my case for two years at least. When
I think of the inhospitable parts I am going to, I
think the voyage dangerous ; I, however, enter upon
it with great cheerfulness. Providence has been very
kind to me on many occasions, and I trust in the
continuance of Divine Protection.

248 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

' ' I have two good ships, well provided and well
mann'd. You must have heard of the clamour raised
against the Resolution before I left England ; I can
assure you I never set foot in a finer ship. Please to
make my best respects to all friends in Whitby, and
believe me to be, with great regard and esteem, your
most affectionate friend,

*' James Cook."

In Marra's Journal it is stated that before leaving,
the Governor of the Cape dined on board the Resolution
with Cook — an unusual act of courtesy for a man
occupying his position ; but he seems to have formed
a very high opinion of him, which appears afterwards
to have become an affectionate friendship.

On 22nd November they set sail for the south, and
soon finding the weather getting rapidly colder the
fearnought jackets and trousers that were provided by
the Admiralty were served out, and warmly lined capes
of canvas were made and extra cuffs sewn on the
jackets for the protection of the hands. On the 29th
they fell in with a heavy gale, which lasted till 6th
December ; and for a part of the time it was so bad
that the ships were unable to carry any sail. During
this heavy weather a scuttle, which had been insecurely
fastened, was burst open by the heavy seas and a
considerable quantity of water was taken on board,
necessitating some little hard work at the pumps, but
beyond making things very unpleasant for a time no
great harm was suffered ; but it gave Mr Foster an
opportunity of writing an account of the terrible danger
they were in, and, wonderful to relate, of speaking highly
of the heroism displayed by the crew. A large quantity
of the live stock purchased at the Cape perished from
the effects of the wet and cold, and the ships were blown
so much to the eastward of the intended course that
Cook, for the time, gave up the idea of searching for
Cape Circumcision. The first ice was encountered in

xni.] SIGNS OF SCURVY

249

1

latitude 50° 40' S. on the loth, and on proceeding
still southward they were stopped by a large field, to
which they ''could see no end, either to the east, west,
or south," so working along to the south-east they
searched for some days for an opening, but unsuccess-
fully. Seeing no prospect of any change, and being
in constant danger from the detached pieces. Cook
reluctantly gave the order to steer to the north. On
the 14th the weather had moderated sufficiently to
permit Wales and Forster to go off in a boat to obtain
temperatures of the sea, but a heavy fog suddenly came
up and they lost the ships, but were eventually picked
up by the Adventure^ and were soon afterwards safely
returned to their own. About the middle of December
signs of scurvy began to show themselves, and extra
precautions were at once taken ; fresh wort was served
out regularly to all hands. One man, who was in a
much worse state than any of the others, was treated
with the ''Rob of Lemons and Oranges" (a sort of
jelly made from these fruits), but without effect, though
he received considerable benefit from the wort. Captain
Furneaux reported that at this time he had two very
bad cases completely cured by the rob of lemons.

When they had left the ice field well behind them
Cook again turned southwards, and on 26th December
had worked down as far as 50° 31' S., longitude 26°
57' E., where, though surrounded by large pieces broken
off the field of ice, he steered to the west, leaving
the main body of the ice to the north. The ships
gradually worked down to about 60° S. in the longitude
given for Cape Circumcision, and being then some
ninety-five leagues further south than the position
given by Bouvet, with no signs of land, Cook con-
cluded that he must have been deceived by the ice.
Obtaining a sight of the moon for the second time
since leaving the Cape, Mr Wales was able to take
several observations, and fix the position of the ship

250 i772-i774~SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

with tolerable accuracy. Penguins, seals, and several
kinds of petrels were seen amongst the ice.

The course was now altered to the E.S.E., and very
foggy weather was encountered, accompanied by great
cold, which coated the rigging with ice, rendering it
very pretty to the eye but very difficult and unpleasant
to work. Cook says that though this suggested very
intense cold to the mind, in reality the thermometer
stood rather higher, and the sea was not so much
encumbered with ice as it had been. Blocks of ice
were taken on board, and it was found that when the
sea water had drained off they provided perfectly fresh
water on melting, so a sufficient quantity was obtained
to give thirteen tons of water to the Resolution^ and some
twelve tons to the Adventure. This eased Cook's mind
of a great anxiety, and he determined to venture further
to the south, and on 17th January 1773 they crossed the
Antarctic Circle in longitude 39° 35' E., and at noon
their latitude, by observation, was 66° 36' 30'' S., the
sea being almost free from ice. In the evening,
however, they found themselves completely blocked
by an enormous field extending from the south-east
round to the west as far as the eye could reach, and
as the summer was nearly over Cook decided that it
was unwise to attempt anything further to the south,
and ordered a retreat to the north. He made for the
land said to have been recently discovered by the
French, and spent some days looking for it in the
neighbourhood that had been given to him ; but with
the exception of a few birds that were supposed not
to go far away from land, and some floating weed,
nothing was seen, so he gave up the search.

On 8th February a brisk gale sprang up accompanied
by very hazy weather, thickening into fog, and the two
vessels separated. Cook cruised about, repeatedly firing
guns and lighting flares without obtaining any response,
and when the weather cleared up on the following day

XIII.] THE AURORA AUSTRALIS 251

the Adventure was not to be seen. Poor Mr Forster was
dreadfully scared when he realised that the two ships
had really parted company ; he says that none of the
crew ** ever looked around the ocean without expressing
concern on seeing our ship alone on this vast and un-
explored expanse." He seems to have been thoroughly
unhappy, for he describes the whole voyage, from the
Cape to New Zealand, as a series of hardships such as
had never before been experienced by mortal man.

Being a little to the south of Tasman's track,
Cook conjectured that Furneaux would make for the
rendezvous he had been given at New Zealand by that
route, and therefore felt himself free to push on to the
south-east, as he judged that, if any large body of
land was in the immediate vicinity, it must lie in that
quarter, for the swell coming up from the south-west
precluded the possibility of any mass of land being in
that direction.

On 17th February the officer of the watch reported
a very beautiful display of the Aurora Australis, which
Cook speaks of as something quite new to him, although
Banks noted an appearance of the same kind on the
previous voyage, when the Endeavour was between
Timor and Batavia ; it cannot have been very distinct,
or it would have made more impression on Cook's
memory. The present one is described as having a
sort of spiral motion, though the direction of move-
ment was not distinctly defined, and it was at times
accompanied by a very strong flash or series of flashes
of light. A second somewhat similar display was seen
on the 20th. On this last day the ship was again
^* watered" with blocks of ice, and some of the boats
had a very narrow escape from destruction as one of
the small icebergs, at which they were working, turned
completely over.

As the weather had proved very unsettled for some
days, Cook turned northwards again with a hard gale.

252 1 772-1 774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

and a high sea from the E.S.E. on 24th February, and
for some days no observations were possible on account
of the overcast sky. On 8th March, however, they were
unusually fortunate, as it was the finest day they had
had since leaving the Cape, and they were able to fix
their position as 59° 44' S., 121° 9' E ; the thermometer
standing at 40°. This pleasant break was of course
followed by another heavy gale with a tremendously
heavy sea, and Cook ran before it towards New Zealand
in expectation of joining the Adventu7'e. His first
intention was to touch at Van Diemen's Land on his
way, so as to satisfy himself about its being joined to
New Holland, but the wind kept obstinately between
north and west, having shifted after the gale, and he
thought it would occupy a longer time than he could
spare, so he bore up for the South Island, trusting that
Furneaux would have had the opportunity to solve that
question. It was soon found that a few degrees of
latitude made a great difference in the temperature,
^' which we felt with an agreeable satisfaction."

At 10 A.M., on 25th March, New Zealand was sighted
from the masthead, and Cook steered in for the land
with the intention of putting into the first port that
appeared suitable ; but the weather coming on very
hazy, he thought it safer to stand out to sea again.
He found that he had picked up the island at a point
which he had only seen from a distance on his
previous voyage, and "now saw it under so many
disadvantageous circumstances, that the less I say about
it, the fewer mistakes I shall make." The following
day, however, they got safely into Dusky Bay, finding
forty-four fathoms at the entrance, with a sandy bottom.
They sailed up about a couple of leagues, and then sent
off a boat to look for an anchorage, which was soon
found, and they brought up in fifty fathoms, about a
hawser's length from the shore. They had been a
hundred and seventeen days at sea, and had sailed 3,660

xin.] DUSKY BAY, N.Z. ^53

leagues without having once sighted land, and they
arrived with only one man sick with scurvy,

*' occasioned, chiefly, by a bad habit of body and a
complication of other disorders. My first care, after
the ship was moored, was to send a boat and people
fishing ; in the meantime, some of the gentlemen
killed a seal (out of many that were upon a rock) which
made us a fresh meal."

The anchorage was not very convenient, so Cook
went off in a boat in one direction, sending Mr
Pickersgill in another to seek for a better one. It was
easily found, and named after its discoverer, Pickersgill
Harbour. Here they set up the observatory, forge, and
sail-makers' tents, caught plenty of fish, and brewed the
spruce beer to which was added molasses, and some of
the inspissated malt juice, and thus made themselves
comfortable for a short stay. A shooting party, seeing
a considerable number of natives, thought it advisable
to return to the ship and report their presence, and were
followed up to within a short distance of the vessel by
a canoe containing seven or eight men, who remained
watching the proceedings at the camp for some time.
After they had gone back Cook went to look for their
camp, which he found empty, so he left some presents
that he thought would be acceptable, and went on to
explore the inlet ; on his return he found the presents
still untouched, and on again visiting the place three
or four days afterwards they were still there, and the
camp appeared to be deserted.

A plentiful supply of wild fowl was obtained, furnish-
ing with the seals and fish a very welcome addition to
the larder. The seals were particularly useful, for the
skins were employed for the ship's rigging, the fat for
the lamps, and the flesh, some of which Cook says was
quite equal to good beefsteak, for the table. On one of
his surveying excursions. Cook was passing an island
when a Maori called out to him, and on his landing

254 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

came to meet him accompanied by two women. After
an attempt at conversation, which was not very
satisfactory, he gave Cook a piece of native cloth and,
as far as could be understood, asked for a boat-cloak
in return. One was made for him out of red baize, and
gave so much satisfaction that he presented Cook with
his **pattou," a sort of short flat club made of stone.
He visited the ship and took great interest in what was
going on ; being particularly struck by the sawyers at
work, he, after watching some time, expressed a desire
to try his hand in the pit. He was at once allowed to
do so, but, soon finding it was not so easy as it looked,
did not require much persuasion to relinquish his self-
imposed task.

Cook reports very favourably on the capabilities of
Dusky Bay as a place of refreshment for ships, saying
there is a good anchorage, no difficulty in entering,
plenty of good water, wood, game, and fish, but very
little edible herbage. They selected a convenient spot
for a garden, and planted some European seeds ; and
also left a pair of geese where they were unlikely to
be disturbed. The inhabitants were few and apparently
of a wandering habit, and the timber was the best he
had seen in New Zealand, with the exception of that
at the Thames. They left the anchorage on 29th April,
and attempted to get to sea by a passage between
Resolution Island and the mainland ; but owing to
adverse winds were not successful till nth May.
During a portion of their stay Cook had been confined
to his cabin by what he called a slight cold, but Forster
said, a severe attack of rheumatism.

They proceeded up the west coast, and on 17th May,
near Cape Stephens, fell in with six water spouts, one of
which came within fifty yards of the ship. Cook after-
wards regretted that he had not tried the experiment
of firing a gun at it, as he had heard that course was
recommended. He said he had a gun ready, but did

XIII.] FURNEAUX REPORTS

•55

not think of it in time as he was too busy noting the
phenomena. Forster says that one *^ was ordered to be
got ready but our people being, as usual, very dilatory
about it, the danger was passed before we could try the
experiment."

On i8th May they arrived in Queen Charlotte's
Sound, and as Cook expected, found the Adventure
there before them. She had been there six weeks,
and, immediately on the arrival of the Resolution^
Captain Furneaux went on board and reported himself
and his proceedings since parting on 8th February.
He said that in the thick fog they heard a gun which
was believed to be on the port beam, and bore up for it,
firing guns every half-hour, but heard no reply. After
cruising about for three days as near the spot as the
weather would permit, he, according to orders, made for
New Zealand, following, as Cook had expected, the line
taken by Tasman. He sighted Van Diemen's Land on
9th March near what he believed to be the South Cape
of Tasman. He sent a boat ashore at the first
opportunity, and some traces of natives were seen, but,
the weather proving very threatening, the boat was
compelled to return to the ship. On the nth they
anchored in Adventure Bay and stayed there five days,
taking in wood and water ; the latter article they were
much in want of, for the allowance had been cut down to
one quart per day for some time past. Some deserted huts
were found, of a very primitive kind, and the smoke of
fires was observed, but no natives were seen. They
then followed up the coast to where it trended away
sharply to the west, forming, he believed, a deep bay.
They continued on past the islands which now bear
Furneaux's name, and then bad weather came on and
he judged it best to make for his rendezvous, quite
convinced that Van Diemen's Land joined New
Holland. On 30th March they sighted New Zealand,
and running up the coast were greatly retarded by a

256 1772-1774-^SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

heavy swell from the north. When they arrived in
Queen Charlotte's Sound, they found the pole erected
by Cook on the island Motuara, with the name of the
Endeavour and the date of her visit on it ; and some of
the inhabitants who remembered the ship came forward
to trade and enquired after Cook and Tupia. On nth
May they experienced the shock of an earthquake, but
no damage was done.

The first thing that Cook did after his arrival was
to send out the boats for a supply of scurvy grass, as
several of the Adventurers crew were very sick, and
when it had been obtained, he

** gave orders that it should be boiled with wheat and
portable broth every morning for breakfast, and with
pease and broth for dinner, knowing from experience
that these vegetables, thus dressed, are extremely
beneficial in removing all manner of scorbutic com-
plaints."

Although Furneaux had prepared to winter in Queen
Charlotte's Sound, Cook thought it too early in the
season to rest, and decided to push on further before
settling down for the winter. He was half inclined to
go over to Van Diemen's Land and settle the question
of whether or no it was a part of New Holland, but as
Furneaux appeared convinced, and as the winds were
contrary, he determined to continue his voyage to the
eastward, and the Adventure was ordered to refit as
rapidly as possible. Gardens had been started by
Furneaux on his arrival, and Cook tried to interest the
natives in them. He showed them the potatoes, carrots,
and parsnips, which they seemed to understand and
appreciate, and they promised to look after the gardens.

A boat, which had been sent to get some timber for
spars on 3rd June, was chased by a large canoe filled
with men, but Cook thought that no great harm was
intended ; and on another day some natives were on board

x"i] INJUDICIOUS SPECULATION 257

when a large canoe came up, which those on board
declared to belong to enemies, and requested Cook to fire
at it, but he declined to do so, and instead invited the
occupants to come on board, which they did after
performing some usual ceremonial, and behaved them-
selves quite properly ; but in a short time he was obliged
to get rid of the whole of them, as he found his crews
were selling their clothing for things that were of no
value either as curiosities or for use. They went off
towards Motuara Island, and Cook seeing more people
over there followed them up. He had some little
conversation with a few of them, but did not remember
having seen any of them on his previous visit, and
thought none of them recognised him. They had their
cooking utensils with them, and he came to the con-
clusion that they intended to settle down there, at
any rate for a time. Cook says that a rumour got
abroad amongst his men that the Maoris were willing
to sell their children ; but he explains that the idea sprang
from the Adventure^ where it was not understood that
the presentation of the children was not for the purpose
of sale, but merely to obtain a present for them, and was
the usual custom. He also remarks that the intercourse
between the Maoris and the whites did not tend to
improve the morals of the former, whom he had hitherto
looked upon as superior in that respect to the other
South Sea Islanders he had come across.

A pair of goats from the Resolution^ and a sow and
boar from the Adventure^ were left in secluded spots in
hopes that before their presence became known to the
natives they might have increased in number. A ewe
and a ram, the last left alive of those purchased at the
Cape, were also landed, but were found dead the next
day, having, it was believed, eaten something poisonous.
As soon as the two ships were ready for sea. Cook
gave Furneaux, in writing, the course he intended to
steer, and orders as to the latter's proceedings in case of

R

258 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

separation. His intention was to run east between the
41st and 46th parallels of latitude, until he reached the
135° to 148° W. longitude, and then, providing no
land had been discovered, to proceed to Otaheite.
Thence, back to Queen Charlotte's Sound for wood
and water, and afterwards thoroughly to explore the
Southern Ocean between the meridians of New Zealand
and Cape Horn. Should the ships be separated he
appointed as rendezvous, Otaheite up to 20th August,
and Queen Charlotte's Sound up to 20th November ;
and if by that date Cook had not joined him, he was to
carry out the orders of the Admiralty to the best of his
ability.

On 7th June they put to sea, and on the 8th some
accident happened to Arnold's timepiece on board the
Resolution^ and they were unable to wind it up. So far
it had been working well, but had not kept such accurate
time as Kendal's. On the return of the ship to
England, Arnold was informed that either by careless-
ness, neglect, or wilfully, Mr Wales had himself caused
this stoppage. Wales attributed this report to the
Forsters, to whom he wrote on the subject, and it is very
evident from their replies that, though they would not
acknowledge having circulated the rumour, they were
not ignorant that Arnold had been so informed. There
does not appear to be the slightest ground for such a
rumour, but it does appear very probable that it
originated with the Forsters. Cook took every possible
precaution with the ** watch machines," and on every
occasion that offered, Mr Wales was sent on board the
Adventure to enquire and compare, and as far as can
now be ascertained there is no reason whatever to think
that there was the slightest want of care on the part of
any one.

Throughout the remainder of June they experienced
rough weather, and it was not till i8th July that they
reached longitude 133° W., having seen no signs of land

XIII.] SCURVY ON THE ADVENTURE 259

on their way. Cook therefore turned to the north so as to
cross the space between his track to the north and his
return south in 1769. This course would practically
settle one view of the supposed Southern Continent, for
it had been laid down by some theorists as being in the
middle latitudes of the South Pacific. New Zealand
being said to be the western side (this had been already
disposed of by Cook in his previous voyage) and what
Forster calls the *' pretended discoveries near America,"
the eastern one. This course now proposed would take
the ships through the centre of the part of the ocean
that was in dispute.

On 29th July, hearing that the Adventure was very
sickly. Cook sent a boat to enquire, and found about
twenty of the crew were down with scurvy, and that
the cook had died of the disease. One of the Resolution's
crew, W. Chapman, received his warrant as cook, and
orders were given that the utmost precautions were
to be taken, and wort, carrot marmalade, and rob of
lemon, were to be freely served out. On board Cook's
own ship at this time, three men were on the sick
list, only one of whom had the scurvy ; but as some
of the others were showing suspicious symptoms, the
usual precautions were taken, with good results.

On I St August Cook believed himself to be in the
immediate neighbourhood of Pitcairn Island, discovered
by Carteret ; but he was so anxious about the health
of the Adventure^ that he determined to run no further
risk by the delay of looking for it. It appears he was
about fifteen leagues to the westward. He was, shortly
after this, able to have Furneaux on board to dinner,
and was greatly pleased to find the health of his consort
was much improved. Furneaux had a quantity of
cider on board, which he served out to his men with
very satisfactory results. Two islands were sighted on
the nth, which were named Resolution and Doubtful
Islands, but Cook believed them to have been previously

36o 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

discovered by De Bougainville, and no stay was made
on account of the anxiety for the fruit and vegetables
of Otaheite. The following morning at daylight they
found themselves almost on the top of what Cook calls
**a half drowned island, or rather a large coral shoal
of about 20 leagues in circuit." It had a lagoon in
the centre, on which they saw a large canoe under sail.
The island was named after Captain Furneaux.

As they were in such a dangerous neighbourhood.
Cook ordered that at night the cutter with an officer
and seven men should keep as far in advance of the ships
as they could, and at the same time within signalling
distance. This was done till the 15th, when being in
sight of Maitea (Osnaburg Island), and therefore in
waters he knew, the services of the cutter were no longer
necessary. He now determined to put in to the south-
east side of Otaheite, so as to get fresh provisions at the
earliest possible opportunity ; and at daybreak on the
1 6th, they found themselves about two miles from the
reef. The wind dropped, and the set of the current
was taking them on to the reef, so the boats were ordered
out to tow, but, coming near an opening through which
the tide was rushing with great force, they were unable
to keep the ships off. The Adventure let go her anchors,
and fortunately found holding ground, but the Resolution
was not so successful, and was carried on to the reef,
and struck two or three times, fortunately without doing
any very serious damage. A land breeze sprang up
in the nick of time, and the tide slackening, enabled
them to get in with safety with the loss of three anchors,
a cable, and a couple of hawsers ; the bower anchor
was recovered by Mr Gilbert the next day. Cook says
that though he thought they had a remarkably narrow
escape, the natives who saw them did not seem to
appreciate that they had been in any danger.

They remained at this anchorage for a week, and
obtained a good supply of cocoanuts and bananas, but

XIII.] DEATH OF A MARINE 261

were unable to purchase any hogs as the people declared
they all belonged to the chief ; so, hearing that gentleman
was in the neighbourhood, Cook landed to call on him,
and found him a mile or so away from the landing-
place. He at once recognised him as Tearee, whom
he had seen in 1769, and the chief enquired after several
of the Endeavour people. He tried to persuade Cook
to make a longer stay, promising that he should have
some hogs, but as this promise was one often made
to be broken. Cook replied that he should leave the
next day. They managed to obtain three hogs, and
Avere thus able to give the crews a meal of fresh meat.
Whilst here, it was found that one of the natives had
picked up cocoanuts from which the sailors had extracted
the milk, and fastening them up very carefully, had
resold them ; and when the swindle was exposed he
did not appear the least disconcerted at the discovery
of his trick. One of the marines who had been ailing
more or less ever since leaving England, developed
dropsy at the last and died, and the one man who
was suffering from scurvy, still remained on the sick
list of the Resolution ; but the Adventure's crew had
greatly improved in health with the change to a fresh
vegetable diet. When the ships sailed, Mr Pickersgill
was left behind to see if he could manage to obtain
any of the promised hogs, but was not very successful,
only obtaining some three or four. He saw old Oborea,
who was known to Wallis as the Queen of the Island,
but she had now fallen from her high estate, and
appeared to be in poor circumstances. She said that
the king was too frightened to let them have any hogs ;
but what it was that frightened him Pickersgill could
not ascertain.

Before the ships got to their anchorage at Matavai,
their decks were crowded with natives, many of whom
Cook recognised, and almost all of them knew him.
Otoo, the king, who, according to Forster, never saw

262 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

the English on their first visit, remembered Cook, and
enquired after Banks, Solander, and others who were
with the Endeavour, The old fort on Point Venus was
re-occupied, the tents pitched for the sick, the observatory
set up, and the camp placed under the charge of
Lieutenant Edgecombe of the Marines.

The king, though he appeared nervous and
uncomfortable, gave a theatrical performance in honour
of his visitors, at which his sister was the only female
performer. It had some reference to the coming of
the ships, for the names of some of the officers were
recognised, but they were not able to follow the thread
of the story. Cook did not feel at all satisfied with
his reception, for supplies came in but slowly, and
fresh meat was very difficult to obtain, so he determined
to cut his visit short. They were quite unable to guess
the reason of this cool reception ; but Forster attributes
it to the advice of a sailor, who had deserted from
a Spanish ship which had called at the island about
March 1773. Cook's Journal refers to the supposed
presence of a white man on the island, who, when he
saw that he had been observed, disappeared at once,
and was not again seen. The Spanish vessel was
from Callao and was commanded by Don Juan de
Langara y Huarto, but the particulars of her voyage
have not been made public. The natives gave Forster
to understand that four of her sailors had been hanged
on the island.

A little unpleasantness arose between some of the
Adventurers crew and the natives, but, fortunately, it was
not of any great importance, and the islanders were well
satisfied to find that Cook did not hesitate to punish his
own men, who were the originators of the disturbance.
Forster, the younger, made an attempt to explore the
interior, but he found the climbing more difficult than
he expected, and returned, after marching a few miles,
with very little fresh information. Cook, of course,

xiii.j THE ADVENTURE ASHORE 263

enquired into the state of the gardens they had planted
at his previous visit, and he found that the only plants
that had done well were the pumpkins, and these the
natives did not seem to appreciate, ^^ which is not to be
wondered at," says Cook. As it was believed that
human sacrifice was sometimes offered at the ''Moris,"
careful enquiries were made, and the conclusion arrived
at was that under certain conditions, special criminals,
selected by the high priest, were beaten to death there,
but that these occasions were very rare. He also, on
further enquiry, formed the opinion that the standard
of morality amongst the women was much higher than
had previously been admitted.

Before sailing Cook called on the king, and as it
was to be his last visit, presented him with three
wethers purchased at the Cape, and Furneaux presented
a couple of goats for breeding purposes ; and in return
three hogs were given, one for Cook, one for Furneaux,
and one for Forster. One of the chiefs then came
forward and spoke for some time in a very energetic
and excited manner, and Cook thought he was com-
plaining that the king was giving too much as the
smallest hog was taken away. The meaning of the
speech must, however, have been exactly the reverse,
as it was soon afterwards replaced by a much larger
one.

On I St September they sailed with a favourable wind
to Huaheine, and, in going through the passage in the
reef surrounding the island, the Adventure ran ashore ;
but, with the assistance of the Resolution's boats, she was
towed off without serious damage. Forster says that
Cook did not send any help till after the Resolution was
safely anchored, and suggests that this delay added to
the danger of his consort. Cook, however, distinctly
states that he had his boats in the water specially, in
order to be prepared for any mishap of the kind, and
immediately on the accident taking place he despatched

264 I772-I774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

assistance. On their arrival, the natives came forward
with good supplies of food in the shape of hogs, fowls,
dogs, and fruit ; and Pickersgill was at once sent away
to the south to try to obtain more. Having heard
that his old friend Oree was coming to see him. Cook
went ashore ; but was not allowed to land till certain
ceremonials had been completed. The boat was drawn
up close to the chiefs house, and then five young
plantain trees, emblems of peace, were carried on
board one by one, the first three being each accom-
panied by a young pig, its ears ornamented with
cocoanut fibre ; the fourth was accompanied by a dog,
and the last by a bag which Cook had left in Oree's
charge in 1769, containing the pewter plate with the
inscription relating to the visit of the Endeavour^ and
the beads and imitation coins. Acting on the advice
of his guide. Cook decorated three of the plaintains
with nails, medals, beads, etc., and he, Furneaux, and
Forster landed with them in their hands. They were
requested to sit down a short distance away, and the
trees were taken from them and placed before Oree ;
the first for God, the second for the king, and the
third for friendship. The chief then came forward and
greeted Cook in a most affectionate manner, the tears
trickling down his cheeks the while. Further presents
were exchanged, and the ceremony was over.

During their stay here they were able to purchase
between 300 and 400 hogs, many of them only small
ones, generally from 40 to 50 lb. weight, but some
being as much as 100 lb., besides fowls and fruit in
plenty ; and Cook says that if he had been able to stay
longer he might have bought as much more, for there
appeared to be an abundant supply of everything. The
only disagreeable thing that occurred was to Mr Sparr-
man, who was set upon one day when out by himself
botanising, and stripped of everything except his trousers
— Besant says except his spectacles. He made his way

XIII.] SPARRMAN IN TROUBLE 265

towards the boats, when he was seen by a native, who
presented him with a piece of cloth to put over his
shoulders, and conducted him to his friends. On his
appearance there was some little alarm, and trading
was stopped for a time. Oree was informed at once of
the robbery, and placed himself, much against the will
of his people, in Cook's hands, and did his best to find
the culprits. Sparrman's hanger and the greater part
of his things were recovered ; and just as the ship was
about to sail word was sent that the offenders had been
secured, but it was too late for Cook to go ashore. As
otherwise every one had been so well treated, it seems
probable, though there is no proof, that Mr Sparrman
had unwittingly transgressed some native law, and the
assault was intended as punishment. Before leaving,
Cook added to Oree's treasures by presenting him with
a copper plate, on which was inscribed, ^'Anchored
here, His Britannic Majesty's Ships Resolution and
Adventure, September 1773." Some medals were also
presented to him, and he was instructed to show them
to any visitors that came. In return he sent off to
Cook, just as the ships were starting, a boatload of
roasted fruits and roots.

On the arrival of the ships at Ulietea they were
entertained at a *'heava" or dramatic performance,
one portion of which illustrated a robbery by two men ;
and Cook says it was acted *^ in such a masterly manner
as sufficiently displayed the genius of the people in this
vice." Having so many hogs on board, they were at
first obliged to decline purchasing any more, but as
the supply of fruit was not large a boat from each ship
was sent under Mr Pickersgill to an island Cook calls
O'Taha, where it was said it was plentiful. They were
able to purchase at a reasonable rate as much as they
had means to pay for ; but during negotiations the bag
containing the ^' trade " was stolen. Pickersgill immedi-
ately seized everything of value he could lay his hands

266 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

on, at the same time signifying that as soon as the bag
and its contents were returned he would give them all
up again. In the evening a chief who had stood by
them the whole day went away, and soon afterwards
returned with the bag and about half its contents.
Eventually the whole was recovered, and the boats
were able to leave with good loads and in a perfectly
friendly manner.

The day these boats went away the natives of Ulietea
entertained the crews of the two vessels at a dinner and
the usual *^heava," but during the night every one
disappeared, much to the astonishment and annoyance
of Cook, who was at first under the impression that
something very serious had happened to offend them.
Enquiries, however, soon revealed the fact that the
natives had concluded, as the boats did not return at
night, that it was a case of desertion, and that they
might perhaps be held in some way responsible, so they
sought safety in flight.

After leaving this island the course was to the south
of west in order to get clear of the tracks of other
navigators, and afterwards to call in at Middleburg and
Amsterdam. Each night they lay to in order that
they might not pass any unknown island, and on 23rd
September Harvey's Islands were sighted and named.
On I St October Middleburg was reached, but as no good
anchorage or safe landing-place was seen, they bore up
for Amsterdam. However, before they got clear away,
a couple of canoes came off, and the coast opening out
in a more promising manner they again ran in and
found anchorage in twenty-five fathoms. Plenty of
people now came off to the ships, quite unarmed, and
several, amongst whom was a chief named Tioony,
came on board, and when the boats went ashore they
were shown a landing-place quite secure from the
surf. The people here were so anxious to trade that
those who could not get near enough to hand their

xiir.] MUSICAL AND HARMONIOUS 267

goods into the boats, pitched them over the heads of
their friends.

Some of the party accompanied Tioony to his house,
which was delightfully situated, and were there enter-
tained with music and refreshments, consisting of cocoa-
nuts, bananas, and a few shaddocks, which Forster calls
"pumplemoses." The ships' bagpipes played to the
great enjoyment of the natives. Turnbull, who visited
the Pacific Islands in the years 1800 to 1804, says that
these instruments were remembered, and in Otaheite
they were specially asked for. Three native girls sang
rather nicely and were rewarded with presents, whereon
all the women began singing in a manner which Cook
describes as *'both musical and harmonious." A short
walk on the shore disclosed some plantations ** well laid
out and kept," but as no eatables appeared to be forth-
coming for sale, Cook decided to make for Amsterdam
the next day. On leaving, the ships ran along the
shore for a short distance, the waves breaking high
upon the rocks and the people accompanying them
waving flags and boughs. When about half-way over
to Amsterdam three canoes tried in vain to board, and
when near the island three men who had been
accidentally carried off from Middleburg, not knowing
that the ships would anchor, jumped overboard and
swam ashore.

When the southern point of the island had been
passed, several canoes came out, the occupants present-
ing cava root as a token of peace, and coming on board
without the slightest hesitation, invited the mariners
ashore. The ships anchored in eighteen fathoms, and
were very soon crowded with visitors. Nothing but
cloth was offered for sale, and Cook, finding that the
sailors were parting with clothing they would be want-
ing very shortly for themselves, forbade any curiosities
whatever being bought, with the result that next
morning pigs, fowls, cocoanuts, and bananas, were

268 1 772-1 774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

produced, and, having appointed officers to superintend
all purchases, he, Furneaux, Forster, and some of the
others went ashore. A chief named Attago, who had
attached himself to Cook before they came to anchor,
and had presented him with some native cloth, etc.,
accompanied them, proving of great service to them in
their dealings with his countrymen. Mr Hodges
painted a picture of this landing, but, as Mr Forster
very justly points out, the attire of the natives is
obviously far too classical to give a correct idea of the
scene. It was noticed that many of the natives had
lost the top joints of the little finger of one and some-
times of both hands ; on enquiry this was understood
to be a mark of mourning for the loss of parents.

The fowls obtained here were remarkably good, and
the sailors purchased some for the purpose of cock-
fighting, but they were not a success in that rdle^ but
proved much more satisfactory in the pot. Cook
describes the island as being well cultivated, not an
inch of ground wasted either in roads or fences ; neither
of these being allowed any more space than was
absolutely necessary. Forster saw a large casuarina
tree covered with what he at first thought to be crows,
but he afterwards found they were that pest to the fruit
grower — flying foxes. He also states that the Resolution
anchored in the exact spot where Tasman anchored when
he discovered the island.

The natives here were as much addicted to thieving
as were the majority of the South Sea Islanders met
with. One man got into the Master's cabin and stole
some books ; he was detected, and chased, but got off
in his canoe ; a boat was sent after him, and when he
found he was being closely pressed he took to the water ;
when overtaken, he dived under the boat, unshipped the
rudder, and, the boat being uncontrolled, managed to get
clear away. Mr Wales going ashore took off his shoes
and stockings to save them from the wet, and they

xni.] NEW ZEALAND ONCE MORE 269

were at once snatched up by a native, who ran off with
them over the coral rocks, leaving poor Wales in what
Cook calls **an unpleasant but laughable position,"
unable to follow over the sharp stones. Attago soon
afterwards recovered them. Several enclosed pieces
of ground were noticed which were supposed by the
officers to be burial-places such as they had seen before,
but Cook saw that one or two particular men were
accustomed to repeat speeches apparently of a set
nature, and concluded that they were for some sort of
religious worship. The language in these islands was
closely allied to that of the Society group, many words
being the same. Just before the ships left, a chief made
his appearance, who was treated with great deference
by the other natives ; but from his stolidity Cook
thought him to be idiotic. He appeared to take interest
in nothing that was going on round him, and received
his presents almost without notice. He, however,
afterwards acknowledged their receipt by sending some
cooked fruit and a pig in return.

On 7th October they sailed for New Zealand, but
were detained by contrary winds, and did not sight the
land in the vicinity of Table Cape till 21st October.
Cook stood close in to Tolago and Poverty Bays, with
the intention of presenting to any chief who might
come off to him, pigs, fowls, and garden seeds, in hopes
of stocking the islands in due course. However, no
one came out to them, so they went on to Cape
Kidnappers, where a couple of chiefs made their
appearance, and to the principal one he gave two boars
and two sows, four hens and two cocks, making him
promise that he would not kill them ; he also furnished
him with a supply of garden seeds such as peas, beans,
cabbages, turnips, onions, etc. When these visitors
had left them, they stood on through a series of heavy
squalls, in one of which the Resolution lost her fore-top-
gallant mast ; and at length the storms culminated in a

270 i772--i774~SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

heavy gale which lasted for a week, and then, after a
slight moderation, came on again with increased fury,
and the two vessels parted company.

On 3rd November the Resolution reached her old
anchorage in Ship Cove, Queen Charlotte's Sound ;
but the Adventure was seen no more during the voyage.
Mr Forster was dreadfully upset by the stormy weather,
*nhe dreadful energy of the language" of the sailors,
the absence of their consort, which ^* doubled every
danger," the shortness of the table supplies, and his
dislike to a further trip to the southern latitudes. Cook
was hopeful that the Adventure might come in, and
pushed on with his refitting, so that no more time than
was actually necessary should be lost before he was in
a position to continue his exploration to the Antarctic
regions. The stores were thoroughly overhauled, and
about 4,000 lbs. weight of ship's bread was found to be
quite unfit for food, and some 3,000 more was almost as
bad. They were very fortunate, therefore, in getting a
plentiful supply of scurvy grass and wild celery, and
a small quantity of vegetables from the gardens they
had made at their previous visits. They found that the
two goats left behind had been killed and eaten, and the
two pigs had been separated. However, still hoping for
better fortune, three sows and a boar, two cocks and two
hens, were left in what was thought to be a safe place
in West Bay. Cook also gave to some strangers who
visited them whilst they were getting water, and who
appeared inclined to be friendly, two cocks and two
hens, and a boar and sow. The next morning the
natives were found to have disappeared, leaving the
boar behind, so, as it was the last one left, it was
again taken on board to be put ashore at some other
more favourable opportunity.

Whatever doubts may have been felt about the
cannibalism of the New Zealanders were set at rest
by some of the officers who surprised a party engaged

XIII.] CANNIBALISM 271

in a feast. A human head was purchased from them
and taken on board, and on a piece of the flesh being
offered to a Maori it was greedily devoured. A Society-
Islander, named Odidie, who was on board, was intensely
horrified, and even refused to touch the knife with which
it had been cut, nor would he in any way be friendly
with the eater. Cook firmly believed that only the
flesh of enemies killed in battle was eaten, and did not
think that the custom had arisen from any scarcity of
food.

Having written a memorandum giving the times of
his arrival and departure, the direction in which he
intended to steer, and other information he thought
necessary for Furneaux's guidance, he enclosed it in a
bottle and buried it under a marked tree in the garden.
On 25th November, they sailed, and in passing through
the straits guns were continually fired, and a sharp
look-out kept for the Adventure ; but as nothing was seen
of her. Cook gave up all hopes of her rejoining, as no
other rendezvous had been appointed. The Resolution
bore up to the south-east, but had the course been north-
east it is possible the two ships might have again met,
as the Adventure was then on her way from Tolago Bay ;
and she arrived in Ship's Cove four days after the
departure of her consort. Cook says that his crew were
in good spirits, and in no way dejected, ^'or thought
the dangers we had yet to go through were in the
least increased by being alone." They were quite ready
to go ''wherever I might think proper to lead them,"
and Mr Forster had to admit at a little later date, that

*' notwithstanding the constant perils to which our course
exposed us, in this unexplored ocean, our ship's company
were far from being so uneasy as might have been
expected."

Cape Palliser was passed on 26th November, and
on 6th December at 8.30 a.m. they reckoned they were

272 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

*'at the Antipodes to our Friends in London, conse-
quently as far removed from them as possible." At
this point Cook concluded from the swell coming from
the south-west that there was no great body of land
in that direction, excepting at a great distance. The
first ice was seen in latitude 62° 10' S. on 12th December,
and on the 15th in latitude 66° Cook thought it prudent
to edge away to the north, as they were surrounded
by large quantities of loose ice, and the atmosphere
was loaded with fog. He worked up to between 64""
and 65°, and then again headed eastwards still hampered
by ice and fog, but after a few days the weather improved
a little, and he again made south, crossing the Antarctic
Circle on the 20th, reaching 67° 31' S. on the 23rd —
the highest latitude hitherto attained. The rigging was
so coated with ice that it was difficult to work the ship,
and the cold was so intense that Cook decided to run
to the north-east as there appeared no probability of
finding any land in these regions. Marra's Journal
says, under i8th December :

*' Icicles frequently hung to the noses of the men
more than an inch long;" and again, ''the men,
cased in frozen snow, as if clad in armour, where the
running rigging has been so enlarged by frozen sleet
as hardly to be grasped by the largest hand . . .
yet, under all these hardships, the men cheerful over
their grog, and not a man sick, but of old scars."

In these high latitudes. Cook says that many of the
men suffered from a fever brought on by the cold and
unavoidable exposure to the wet, but fortunately it was
very slight, and "happily yielded to the simplest
remedies." The ship was now in a very dangerous
position, being close to large masses of ice, and

**so perceiving that it was likely to be calm, I got the
ship into as clear a berth as I could, where she drifted
along with the ice, and by taking the advantage of

XIII.] NO FURTHER SOUTH 273

every light air of wind, was kept from falling aboard
any of these floating isles. Here it was we spent
Christmas Day, much in the same manner as we did
the preceding one. We were fortunate in having
continual daylight, and clear weather, for had it been
foggy as on some of the preceding days nothing less
than a miracle could have saved us from being dashed
to pieces."

On 7th January 1774, five very successful observations
were obtained, giving the mean latitude as 123° 21' W. ;
the watch giving it as 123° 44', and the dead reckoning
123° 39'. Cook signifies his keen appreciation of the
watch provided, and says : ^* I must here take notice
that our longitude can never be erroneous while we
have so good a guide as Mr Kendal's watch." On
the nth he made another attempt to get south, and
being far less hampered by floating ice, succeeded in
reaching the high latitude of 71° 10' S., longitude
106° 54' W. on 30th January, when further progress
was stopped by a large and solid field of ice.

Cook formed the opinion, which was shared by the
majority of those on board, that this ice either extended
as far as the South Pole or else was attached to some
land **to which it had been fixed from the earliest time,"
and that there was no prospect of reaching any higher
latitude with safety to the ship. He was thoroughly
satisfied that there was no continent existing in the
South Pacific except so far south as to be practically
inaccessible on account of ice, and he acknowledged that
he did not regret that he found it absolutely impossible
to go any further.

However, as he believed that there was plenty of
room in the unexplored parts of the South Pacific for
large islands to exist, and also as he knew that many
of the discoveries that had been already made, were but
imperfectly laid down on the charts, he esteemed it his
duty, as he had a well-found ship and a healthy crew,

S

274 1 772-1 774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

to remain in these waters for a longer period, and to add
what he could to the knowledge of geography and
navigation. The plan of action he laid down was,
first to try to find the land said to have been discovered
by Juan Fernandez in latitude 38° S., and, if unsuccess-
ful, to proceed to Easter Island and fix its position,
as it was very uncertain, then make for Otaheite,
where he had a faint hope he might hear of the
Adventure ; afterwards proceeding further west he
wished to settle the position of the '^ Tierra Austral
del Espiritu Santo" of De Quiros, and then turning
south-east to reach Cape Horn in November, and thus
have before him the best part of the summer for explora-
tion in the South Atlantic. Of this plan, which he
carried out with marvellous success, he says :

** Great as this design appears to be, I however
thought it possible to be executed ; and when I came to
communicate it to the officers, I had the satisfaction to
find that they all heartily concurred in it. I should not
do these gentlemen justice if I did not take some
opportunity to declare that they always shewed the
utmost readiness to carry into execution in the most
effectual manner, every measure I thought proper to
take. Under such circumstances it is hardly necessary
to say, that the seamen were always obedient and alert ;
and on this occasion they were so far from wishing the
voyage at an end, that they rejoiced at the prospect of its
being prolonged another year and of soon enjoying the
benefits of a milder climate."

This is far from agreeing with Mr Forster's account,
for he says :

^* The long continuance in these cold climates began
now to hang heavily on our crew, especially as it
banished all hope of returning home this year, which
had hitherto supported their spirits. At first a painful
despondence owing to the dreary prospect of another
year's cruize to the south seemed painted in every
countenance ; till by degrees they resigned themselves

XIII.] FORSTER'S EXPERIENCES 275

to their fate with a kind of sullen indifference. It must
be owned, however, that nothing could be more deject-
ing, than the entire ignorance of our future destination,
which, without any apparent reason was constantly kept
a secret to every person in the ship."

If the destination was kept a secret, how could the
crew be despondent at the dreary prospect of another
year's cruise to the south, and how could *'all the
officers heartily concur in it?" On 15th January poor
Mr Forster had another painful experience. A heavy
sea broke over the ship, and some water made its way
through the skylight, putting out the unfortunate man's
candle and rendering things generally unpleasantly
moist ; but it gave him the opportunity of doing some
fine writing on the dangers of the deep.

The decision to return to the north was made none
too soon, for on 6th February a furious storm came on,
which lasted till the next morning, playing havoc with
the sails and running rigging, and although it then
abated somewhat, it continued to blow very strong till
the 1 2th, and would have been very dangerous had it
caught them when amidst the ice. On the 17th Cook
calculated that he had crossed his outward track of 1 769,
and on the 20th he notes the only real summer day they
had experienced since leaving New Zealand, the
thermometer rising to 66°. Having arrived at the
position laid down for the land seen by Juan Fernandez,
he cruised about but could discover no signs of any, so
he gave up the search, and on the 25th stood away north
again.

Cook was now taken seriously ill with what he
calls ^^the bilious cholic," and was confined to his bed
for several days, during which time he says : ** Mr Patten,
the surgeon, was to me, not only a skilful physician,
but an affectionate nurse." Owing to the unremitting
attention of the doctor, he recovered slowly ; but the want
of fresh food told greatly against him when it came to a

276 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

question of gathering strength. The only fresh meat
available on board was a dog belonging to Mr Forster,
which was duly sacrificed and made into soup. *'Thus
I received nourishment and strength from food which
would have made most people in Europe sick." Mr
Patten suffered very severely from his devotion to his
chief; indeed he nearly lost his, own life from the same
complaint. Marra's Journal says, under 23rd February :

** This day the Captain was taken ill, to the grief of all
the ship's company." On 28th February, *'The Captain
this day much better, which each might read in the
countenance of the other, from the highest officer to the
meanest boy on board the ship." 4th March, ^' The
Captain perfectly recovered from his illness, to the great
joy of the ship's company."

On nth March land was seen from the masthead at
8 A.M., and was visible from the deck at noon. This
was soon ascertained to be Easter Island, and very
shortly some of the gigantic statues mentioned in
*' Roggewin's Voyages," were to be clearly distinguished
through the glasses. The position of the ship at noon
was found to be 27° 3' S., 109° 46' W. They stood
on and off till next morning and then found fair
anchorage in thirty-six fathoms, but being a little too
near the edge of a bank they were driven off in the night
following. One or two canoes came off to them, from
one of which a bunch of plantains was obtained ; and
whilst the ship was working back to her place. Cook
landed, and was quickly surrounded by natives, some
of whom even swam out to greet him. Some of the
natives possessed European hats, jackets, handkerchiefs,
etc., which they were said to have received from
Spaniards who visited them in 1770. Their language
was very similar to that of Otaheite, and Odidie was able
to understand them fairly well. The island is described
as being extremely parched and dreary in appearance,
although a few plantations were seen ; but there were no

XIII.] AT THE MARQUESAS 277

trees exceeding ten feet in height. Some remarkable
pieces of stone-work were noticed, enclosing small areas
of ground, in some of which were the statues already
mentioned. These did not seem to be regarded as
objects of worship by the natives, who nevertheless
appeared to dislike the pavements, by which the figures
were surrounded, being walked over, or the statues
being too closely examined. Mr Forster regarded
these enclosures as burial-grounds, and the statues as
monuments to chiefs. As the water supply was found
to be very bad, though Gonzales is said to have found
some good springs, and the food offered for sale was
but scanty, the stay was cut short, and on i6th March
the voyage north was resumed with the object of finding
the Marquesas Islands discovered by Mendana in 1595.
Under the date 17th March, Marra says :

** The fresh provisions taken in at Easter Island were
now dealt out by the Captain's order, and at the
Captain's expense, equally among the men, namely,
two pounds of potatoes a man, and a bunch of bananas
to each mess ; and this without reducing their ordinary
allowance ; an act of generosity which produced its
effect ; it preserved the crew in health, and encouraged
them to undergo cheerfully the hardships that must
unavoidably happen in the course of so long a voyage."

The Marquesas group was sighted on 7th April and,
after a very narrow escape from running on the rocks,
a satisfactory anchorage was obtained, and the ship
received a visit from some of the inhabitants, from
whom bread-fruit and fish were purchased. The follow-
ing day a great number of people came off with more
fruit and a hog, which they gladly exchanged for nails.
They were inclined to be a little too smart in their
dealings, and on several occasions succeeded in obtain-
ing payment for goods without delivery.

Cook had had a relapse and again suffered from
bilious fever — but not so severely as before ; he was able

278 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

to go about, and after warning the officer of the watch
to keep a smart look-out or something of importance
would be stolen, had taken his place in a boat for the
purpose of searching for a better anchorage, when he
was informed that an iron stanchion had been stolen
from the gangway, and that the thief had reached his
canoe with the spoil on the other side of the ship.
Cook ordered a shot to be fired over the canoes, but
no one was to be hurt, and he would pull round to the
other side to secure the thief. The order seems to have
been only partly heard or misunderstood for the shot
was fired and the thief killed, and the other natives
immediately made for the shore. After a time trading
was resumed, and the lesson did not appear to have had
much effect, for they made an attempt to steal the kedge
anchor by which the ship was being warped nearer in
shore. Cook landed, and the people traded as if nothing
had occurred out of the common, a few small pigs and
some fruit being purchased. In the afternoon the boats
were sent in for water, and all the natives were found
to have disappeared, but for what reason could not be
understood ; the next morning, however. Cook again
landed and was able to resume trading. He attributed
the scare of the previous afternoon to the fact of his
absence. A short trip was made in the boats along
the coast and a few supplies were obtained, but very
little fresh meat, which was much wanted. The pigs
were so small that it required some forty or fifty to
provide one meal for the crew ! On the return of the
boats it was found that the market was closed ; it
appeared that one of *'the young gentlemen" had
given a small handful of red feathers he had obtained
at Tonga, for a pig, and now nothing else would be
accepted, so there was nothing further to be done but
leave, and they sailed on the nth for Otaheite, with
their captain very much annoyed at their ill success in
obtaining fresh provisions, for he considered that though

XIII.] THE FINEST RACE IN THE SOUTH SEAS 279

the crew were not actually ill, they stood in need of
a change. He describes the inhabitants as the finest
race he had seen in the South Seas ; they were almost
as fair as Europeans, and their language was very
similar to that of Otaheite. Their arms consisted of
clubs, spears, and slings, the two former very neatly
made, and with the latter they were able to throw stones
a very considerable distance, but with no great accuracy.
Mr Forster managed to secure a quantity of small birds
of very beautiful plumage.

On 17th April they came across a string of small
islands joined together by a coral reef, and as no
soundings could be obtained on the outside a boat
was despatched through an opening to examine the
inside ; but the Master, who was in charge, did not
bring back such a report as would induce Cook to risk
his ship by entering. He contented himself with send-
ing two armed boats under Mr Cooper to see if it was
possible to trade, and a few dogs were purchased ; but
as it was getting late and the attitude of the inhabitants
seemed rather uncertain, they returned to the ship
without landing. A few cocoanuts were also obtained,
and as one of the sailors purchased a dog for one
plantain Mr Cooper concluded that that fruit was either
unknown or very scarce. These islands had previously
been discovered and named the George Islands, by
Byron ; the native name was given as Tiookea. On
the 19th four more islands of a similar character were
discovered, which Cook named Palliser Islands, and on
rounding one a swell rolling in from the south was
encountered, ^'a sure sign that we were clear of these
low islands." The course was then set for Otaheite,
which was sighted on the 21st, a point a little to
the east of Point Venus being the first seen, and the
next morning they anchored in Matavai Bay, being
immediately visited by the natives who appeared greatly
pleased to see them again. The old camp was at once

28o 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

reoccupied, the observatory set up for Mr Wales, and
Cook had again the pleasure to record that he had no
one on the sick list.

The king came to visit the camp, bringing with him
a present of a dozen pigs and some fruit, and he, with
some of his friends, went on board for dinner, and to
receive the usual gifts in exchange. It was found that
here also the red feathers were greatly valued, and it
was looked upon as a very fortunate circumstance as
the supply of trade was running short. After the dis-
appointment of his last visit. Cook had intended to make
but a short stay ; however, as the place appeared to be
now in a very thriving condition, he determined to refit
here instead of going to another island as he had at
first intended. He found that houses and canoes were
being built in every direction, and the people showed
signs of general prosperity. On 25th April there
occurred a thunderstorm, lasting about three hours,
more severe than any one on board had witnessed before.

On the 26th Cook went by appointment to meet Otoo,
and on approaching the shore was surprised to see a
large number of canoes, fully manned, ranged along
the coast, and a large body of armed men gathered near
on the land. On getting out of his boat he was at once
surrounded by the people, and was seized by two chiefs,
one of whom wished to carry him off to the fleet and the
other to take him to the king, and betwixt the two he
**was like to be pulled to pieces." The crowd made
way for them with cries of '^Tiya no Tootee," and he
was gradually dragged towards the canoes, but he
refused to go on board, and after some time was per-
mitted to rejoin his own boats, when he found that his
companions had been subject to similar treatment.
They put off from the shore in order to have a good
look at the fleet, and counted one hundred and sixty
large double canoes, all well equipped and fully
manned. The chiefs were swathed in vast quantities

XIII.] THE FLEET OF OTAHEITE s8i

of cloth, so that to the Englishmen it seemed almost
a miracle that they were able to move. The vessels
were decorated with flags and streamers, and made a
very fine appearance. These composed the first line,
and, in addition, there were one hundred and seventy
smaller double canoes, each having a small house or
cabin on it, which were thought to be intended for
transports and store ships, as the larger ones, as far
as could be seen, carried no supplies on board. The
total number of men in the fleet was estimated by Cook
to be not less than 7,500. It was ascertained that this
armament was destined for the conquest of the island
of Eimeo, which had lately rebelled against Otaheite.

Cook was informed that the king was waiting at the
camp to see him, but on going there he found that he
had not been, and on again looking for him in the
afternoon he was still invisible ; and the fleet had also
gone away. It was at length discovered that some
clothes of Cook's which had been in the wash had been
stolen, and the king and the commander of the fleet
having heard of the fact were in great dread of his
anger. However, on Cook sending word that he
should take no steps to recover the articles, things again
resumed a friendly aspect, and the Admiral, Towha,
sent Cook a present of two large pigs and some fruit,
giving orders to the bearers that they were to receive
nothing in exchange. He afterwards came on board to
dine, and, never having been on the ship before, he
examined everything with the greatest curiosity, and
appeared much impressed with what he saw. As one
of the natives had been caught in the act of going off
with a small water cask. Cook determined that he should
not be unpunished, and made a ceremonial affair of it.
The culprit was first sent on board ship and put in
irons, and when the natives and the ship's company
had been mustered, he was taken ashore and triced up ;
Cook then delivered a short speech, in which he pointed

282 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

out that when his men were caught stealing from the
natives they were always punished, but that the natives
were always stealing from the ship and crew and
escaped any punishment, he therefore ordered that this
thief should receive two dozen lashes. These were
duly administered, and then Towha made a speech in
which he was understood to admit the justice of Cook's
proceedings. The marines were then put through their
exercises and fired a few volleys with ball, and the
proceedings ended ; but Cook declares he was quite
unable to ascertain whether the natives had been
pleased or frightened by the ceremony. The king's
brother afterwards took some of the officers out to see
\ SL part of the fleet at exercise, and they were just in time
for the conclusion of the manoeuvres and the landing
of the men. Cook says the canoes were handled very
smartly, and **five minutes after putting ashore, you
could not tell anything of the kind had been going
forward." Mr Hodges was present and made a sketch,
which is published in the Journal of this voyage.

The sea stores were again overhauled, and notwith-
standing the careful packing, very large quantities of
bread were found to be uneatable. Fortunately, a good
supply of the vegetable products of the island was
forthcoming for their daily wants, but little of this could
be preserved for use at sea. Leave to cut wood was
asked, and was at once granted, and Cook's unsolicited
promise that no fruit trees should be touched was
received with gratitude.

Cook received a state visit from Otoo's father and
some other members of the royal family, and was
given,

^*as a present, a complete mourning dress, a curiosity
we most valued. In return, I gave him whatever he
desired, which was not a little, and having distributed
red feathers to all the others, conducted them ashore in
my boat."

xiii] COOK OUTWITTED 283

On 7th May Cook received word that the king was
desirous of seeing him, so he at once went ashore, but
on his arrival Otoo was not to be found, and many of the
leading natives had also disappeared. The sergeant of
the Marines reported that one of his men had his
musket stolen from him whilst on duty, so Cook
returned to the ship and sent word that if the gun was
returned nothing more would be said about it. Shortly
after the departure of his messenger, six canoes laden
with baggage, fruit, and hogs, were noticed, and
suspicions were aroused that the occupants knew
something of the theft, so Cook gave chase to them in
his own boat. One canoe, on his approach made for
the ship, and on being overtaken, the occupants, all
women whom he recognised, informed him that they
were taking some of the things to the Resolution^ and
that the king was at Point Venus. He at once made for
the camp, to find that this had been merely a ruse, and
all the canoes were making off, so he again gave chase,
ordering another boat to follow him. A few shots
were fired, and five out of the six canoes surrendered,
the one he had previously spoken with getting away.
The occupants of the prizes told Cook that the musket
had been stolen by a native of Tiarabou, and therefore
Otoo was unable to get it back, so after some little
discussion, he decided to let them go and put up with
the loss, sending word to the king that he would say no
more about it. In the evening, however, the musket
and some other articles which had not been missed were
returned, and the men who brought them back were
duly rewarded. Cook says that it was then truly
remarkable how many had been actively engaged in their
recovery. One man in particular described most vividly
how he had followed up, attacked, and killed the thief of
the musket with his club ; but at the same time every one
was perfectly well aware that the self-styled hero had
never been away from his own house throughout the

284 I772-I774--SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

day. Cook afterwards called on Otoo, and with some
little explanation and the usual exchange of presents,
the old friendly footing was resumed. On the way
back to the ship a call was made at **the dockyards,
for such they deserve to be called," and some of
the canoes in course of construction were inspected ;
two of them being the largest the Englishmen had as
yet seen.

Everything being on a satisfactory footing again
Otoo was invited on board, and at his request the big
guns were fired ; but Cook thinks it very doubtful if the
experience was enjoyed. A display of fireworks was
given in the evening, which was much more appreciated.
In referring to the numerous thefts which took place,
Cook says he believed it to be far the best method to
deal with the delinquents in the mildest possible manner,
and the regulations he thought fit to make were, as a
rule, well kept by the natives. He was now much
better pleased with his reception, and came to the
conclusion that the island was in a much more
prosperous condition than at his last visit. Hogs, a
most important item to him, were plentiful, and houses
and canoes were being built in considerable numbers.
When the ship was ready for the resumption of the
voyage several of the young natives volunteered to
accompany her, and Mr Forster was most anxious to
take one as a servant ; but Cook would not permit it, as
he saw no prospect of being able to return him to his
home.

On 14th May the anchor was weighed, and as the
ship was leaving, one of the gunner's mates, named
Marra, who had joined the Endeavour at Batavia, tried
to desert by slipping quietly into the water and attempt-
ing to swim to a canoe which was evidently hanging
about for the purpose of picking him up. He was,
however, seen and taken on board again, and in his
Journal expresses his regret that the scientific world lost

XIII.] SHOOTING PARTY ROBBED 285

the chance of obtaining the experiences of a prolonged
residence amongst these people.

When the Resolution left, there was great talk about
the expedition against Eimeo, and Cook would very
much have liked to watch the proceedings ; but it soon
became evident that nothing would be done whilst he
remained in the vicinity.

On their arrival at Huaheine on the 15th, the ship
was boarded by Cook's old friend Oree, who brought
him a pig as a present, and the next morning the
call was returned, and he with some of his friends were
invited to dine on board. On being asked what he would
like for his present, he said that axes and nails would
be very acceptable ; so some were given to him with
the request that he would distribute them amongst his
people, which he at once did to the apparent satisfaction
of every one. The thieving propensities of the natives
were still unchecked notwithstanding the steps that had
been taken to put an end to them. A shooting party
was robbed of the whole of its stock of trade goods,
and the following day three officers out shooting were
seized and stripped, so Cook took an armed party on
shore, and capturing two chiefs and a large house,
held them as indemnity which soon had the desired
effect, for everything was shortly afterwards returned.
Mr Forster gives a very circumstantial account of the
second robbery, throwing the whole blame on the
officers ; but as he was not present at the time,
his version is not reliable, and differs very materially
from all the others. Cook made a formal complaint
to Oree, and was invited to take a party ashore again
and join in the attempt to punish the marauders who
were described as an organised band. Forty-eight
men were landed and marched some six or seven miles
inland on to some very rough country, where, as
there seemed but a small prospect of attaining their
object, and as Cook thought there might possibly be

288 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

At the proper time for winding up the watch on
the 28th, both Cook and the first lieutenant were on
shore, and it was forgotten and allowed to run down ;
but as good observations had been obtained just before
and other successful ones immediately afterwards, it
was not of very serious importance. An island which
appeared to be inhabited was seen about eleven or twelve
leagues to the north-west, but as it did not look fertile
or inviting in its appearance, and as the wind was
contrary, it was not visited. It was believed to be an
active volcano. Cook notes that at Rotterdam they
saw more cases of leprosy than in any other of the
South Sea Islands they had visited.

On 1 6th July Aurora Island, discovered by
Bougainville, was sighted, but as it came on to blow
hard, they did not attempt to anchor, but passed
between it and the Isle of Lepers. The natives came
down to the shore fully armed with bows and arrows,
as if with the intention of opposing any attempt at a
landing, and the ships passed on to Whitsunday Island.
Off Malicolo good anchorage was found, and natives
came on board, when finding themselves well received
they again returned the next day in greater numbers,
and there were soon more on the ship than Cook
thought desirable. He was in his cabin with some
who seemed to be the chiefs, when he heard a great
noise on deck ; he at once went up and found that
one of the boat -keepers had declined to permit a
native to get into the boat, and an altercation had
arisen. As Cook came in sight the savage was
fitting an arrow to his bow to shoot the boat-keeper,
and when Cook shouted to him, he at once diverted
his aim to the captain. However, the latter was a
little too quick for him, and peppered him with a
charge of small shot, and thus disconcerted him, but
not being much hurt, he again fitted an arrow, so
Cook gave him a second dose which induced him to

XIII.] POISONOUS FISH 289

retire. Some of the others then discharged a few
arrows so a musket was fired over them without any
effect, and then a four-pounder, when the result was
marvellous ; the natives in the rigging and on deck
threw themselves into the water, and those in the
cabin jumped from the ports, and the ship was left in
peace once more.

As wood and water was wanted, two boats were sent
ashore with an armed party, and were met by a large
body of natives fully armed with bows, spears, and clubs.
Cook advanced towards them alone, bearing the recog-
nised symbol of peace, a green bough, and one of the
chiefs, handing his weapons to a companion, came to
meet him, also carrying a bough, which he exchanged
for the one Cook carried. The latter made signs that
he wanted wood, and at once received permission to cut
down the necessary trees. A pig was then presented to
him for which he returned a piece of cloth, but beyond
buying a few arrows and cocoanuts no trading could be
done. No watering place was found, and as the natives
appeared to dislike any attempt to explore the country, a
return was made to the ship and the anchor weighed
once more. Cook does not seem to have been
very favourably impressed by the personal appearance
of these islanders, for he writes that they were 'Mn
general, the most ugly ill-proportioned people I ever
saw." Forster, however, describes them as being very
intelligent. They were judged to be a race quite
distinct from the inhabitants of either the Society
or Friendly Islands, and their language was totally
different.

After leaving Port Sandwich, as the place they had
anchored at was named, many of those on board, who
had eaten of a fish which Forster calls a red sea bream,
were taken ill and suffered very severely for a week or
ten days, but fortunately there were no fatal results.
Cook believes these fish to be the same as those which

T

290 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

poisoned De Quiros's people. In the account of this
event he says :

*^The fish had eaten of poisonous plants, all parts
of the flesh became empoisoned. The ships appeared
like the Hospital of a city which had the plague ; there
was none who could stand on their feet."

Owing to the care and attention of the surgeons "all
were recovered."

The next land seen was a small group of islands
which Cook named Shepherd's Isles *' in honour of
my worthy friend Dr Shepherd, Plumian Professor
of Astronomy at Cambridge." In describing the
passage through this group Mr Forster says Cook's
"rashness and reliance on good fortune become the
principal roads to fame, by being crowned with great
and undeserved success." This remark is peculiarly
out of place as at this time Cook was exercising the
very greatest precaution, fully recognising, perhaps
even better than Mr Forster, the dangers by which he
was surrounded. He invariably stood off and on during
the night, and only proceeded through unexplored waters
by daylight. It would seem that some one on board had
been playing on Mr Forster's nerves by talking of rocks,
shoals, and currents till the poor man's wits were nearly
gone. Several of the islands in this group were of
peculiar formation ; one high columnar rock was named
the Monument. Forster gives its height as 140 yards,
but the other accounts say 140 feet. Many islands
appeared to be inhabited, but no favourable opportunity
was afforded for landing.

On I St August poor Mr Forster was in great trouble
again, for a fire broke out on board, and he says :

"Confusion and horror appeared in all our faces
at the bare mention of it, and it was some time before
proper measures were taken to stop its progress, for
in these moments of danger few are able to collect their

^

XIII.] FORSTER ON ESPRIT DU CORPS 291

faculties and act with cool deliberation." After about
half a page in this style, on fires in general, he observes :
*^ Providentially, the fire of this day was very trifling
and extinguished in a few moments."

A few days after, a marine fell overboard, but was
quickly picked up, and being well looked after by his
comrades suffered no ill effects from his accident ;
and Mr Forster improves the occasion by saying that
his treatment and rapid recovery ^^was the result of an
esprit du corps to which sailors, at present, are utter
strangers." Surely an unwarranted sneer at the British
tar, who has always been noted for a sound good nature
and firm belief in his own ship and messmates, under
his somewhat rough exterior.

At Erromango, on 4th August, the boats went in near
the shore, a few yams and cocoanuts were obtained, and
the natives tried to induce the crews to beach the boats,
when something roused Cook's suspicions, who with one
other man had got out into the water, and he stepped
back, making signs that he would come back later. The
natives then rushing into the water and seizing the boats
tried to drag them ashore, and succeeding in obtaining
two oars and saluting the crews with a shower of stones,
arrows, and spears, several being wounded, amongst
them Mr Gilbert, the Master. Cook tried to give one
of the chiefs a charge of shot, but his gun missed fire
and he very reluctantly had to order the marines to fire,
with the result that at least four of the natives were
wounded. Under these circumstances it was not con-
sidered desirable to remain, so the ship at once left
for the Island of Tanna, some twelve leagues to the
south, where a bright light had been noticed the night
before, which was eventually found to have been caused
by a volcanic eruption of vast quantities of fire and
smoke. Fairly good anchorage was found here and the
ship warped close in. Some of the natives came off
with a few cocoanuts for sale, but soon began to develop

292 1 772-1 774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

the usual thievish propensities, trying to carry off any-
thing that took their fancy — the anchor buoys being a
special attraction. Muskets were discharged over their
heads to no purpose, so a four-pounder was fired which
for a time had the desired effect, but very soon, as they
were as bad as ever, two or three musquetoons were
discharged close to them, and though none were hurt
these proved efficacious and the crew were able to get
their dinner in peace.

An old man, whom Cook calls Paowang, appeared
to wish to be friendly and made several trips between
the ship and the shore, each time bringing a few
yams and cocoanuts which he exchanged for any-
thing that was offered him ; so under his guidance Cook
landed with a strong party in the hopes of obtain-
ing water. They were met by a party of natives, and
presents were given to some of the elders for which they
received a small supply of wood, water, and cocoanuts.
The following day the ship was warped into a better
position and three boats went ashore, when they were
met by a large number of the inhabitants who were
very threatening in their manner. After trying for
some time to bring about a more peaceable state of
affairs without any result, a signal was given to the
ship, and several of the big guns were fired, causing a
stampede of all the natives, except Paowang, who was
rewarded with a present for his confidence in the white
visitors. After a little further trouble a few cocoanuts
were purchased, and permission to get wood, water, and
ballast was procured ; and whilst trying to lift a stone
out of a pool of water below high-water mark one of
the crew scalded his right hand badly. The pool
proved to be one of a series of springs running down
from a spur of the volcano into the sea. Several of
them were tested with the thermometer, and one reached
as high as 202° F., and on the ridge on which they
were situated Forster found a number of cracks from

XIII.] HOT SPRINGS ' 293

which sulphurous vapour and smoke issued. One
of the crew who had been suffering severely from
rheumatism received great temporary relief from
bathing in one of the hot springs, but afterwards the
complaint reasserted itself.

A good many plantations of yams, sugar-cane and
plantains of better quality than usual were seen, but
only small amounts could be purchased, as the available
" trade " did not appear to be of much value in the eyes
of the natives. They did not require cloth, as they went
almost entirely naked ; and the use of iron was completely
unknown to them. Whilst here, one of the sentries
shot at and wounded a native for threatening him with
his bow, and Cook was not pleased, particularly as he
thought the wrong man had suffered ; but Whitehouse,
a Master's Mate, who witnessed the whole affair, says
that the real culprit was punished. Just as they were
prepared to leave it was found that the tiller-head was
sprung, and a new one had to be made. A tree was
selected for the purpose, but it was not till the chiefs
had received a dog and some cloth that permission
could be obtained to cut it down. Though no direct
signs of cannibalism had come under their notice. Cook
was convinced by what he understood from the people
themselves that the practice was not unknown.

After leaving Port Resolution, as the anchorage had
been named, they bore away to the south-west to see if
any more land lay in that direction, but as none was
to be found they rounded the south end of Tanna, and
followed up the western coasts of the different islands
till De Bougainville's Passage was reached, when they
made for Espiritu Santo. When passing Malicolo
several canoes put off for the ship, but as the wind
was favourable Cook would not delay, and so gave
Mr Forster the opportunity to remark that the main
object of the voyage, that is to say, obtaining a
knowledge of the natural history of the islands, was

294 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

made subservient to the production of a new track on
the chart of the Southern Hemisphere by Cook.

On 24th August some small, low, wooded islets were
seen which in honour of the day were named St
Bartholemew's Isles, and on the next day they entered
the bay which Cook believed to be that discovered by
De Quiros, and named by him the Bay of St Philip and
St lago in the *^ Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo," now
known as the New Hebrides. In this conclusion Cook
is supported by Dalrymple and modern geographers ;
but Mr Forster felt compelled to differ, though his
reasons are not quite clear. Cardinal Moran, the
Roman Catholic Archbishop of Sydney, also believes
Cook to have been mistaken, for in his ^' History of the
Catholic Church in Australia," he places De Quiros's
discovery in Port Curtis, Queensland, where he claims
that the first Catholic service ever celebrated in Australia
was held. He puts on one side the fact that the
latitudes of the two places do not agree (Port Curtis
being 24° S. and De Quiros giving his as 15° 20' S.),
saying that the position of newly discovered places were,
in those days, ''often purposely concealed lest other
navigators might appropriate to themselves and their
respective countries, the results of the discovery." He
quotes the details given in De Quiros's petitions to the
King of Spain, and then says, *' All these details fit in
admirably with Port Curtis on the Queensland coast."
Now De Quiros states the country was thickly inhabited
by a people who were armed with bows and arrows,
who possessed vessels made of earthenware, who lived
in houses built of wood and roofed with palm leaves,
and who were amply supplied by Nature with oranges,
limes, almonds larger than those of Spain, cocoanuts,
melons, pears, nutmegs, sweet basil, ebony, goats,
fowls, capons, hogs, etc., etc. He states that in the
bay where he anchored, there was no sandy, barren
ground, no mangroves, no ants, and no mosquitoes.

XIII.] CARDINAL MORAN ON DE QUIROS 295

He says that his anchorage lay between two rivers of
considerable size. How his Eminence can venture to
assert that these details ** fit in admirably " with the real
state of things in Port Curtis is beyond the comprehen-
sion of less distinguished mortals. •

In Port Curtis the population was very sparse at the
time of its discovery by white men, and no signs what-
ever have been found of its ever having been thickly
inhabited ; bows and arrows and earthen vessels were
entirely unknown on the whole of the Australian
continent ; houses did not exist in any form, except
that of temporary shelters of branches, leaves, and
bark ; the fruits and animals mentioned by De Quiros
were entirely unknown, and sandy barren country with
mangroves, ants, and mosquitoes does exist in consider-
able quantity. The anchorage, had De Quiros ever
been there, might have been between two rivers, now
the Boyne and the Calliope, but they are both of them
of small size, and Cardinal Moran, to make this detail
'*fit in," has recourse to the bold measure of moving
the mouth of the Burnett River from Wide Bay to
Port Curtis — more than a degree to the north of its
real position.

On the other hand, Cook's short description of the
New Hebrides does **fit in" with much greater
accuracy. The latitude was found to be 15° 5' S., and
Mr Cooper, who was sent ashore with the boats, reported
that he landed near a fine river or stream of fresh water,
*' probably one of those mentioned by De Quiros;
and if we were not deceived, we saw the other." The
country is described as being very fertile in appearance ;

^^an uncommonly luxuriant vegetation was everywhere
to be seen ; the sides of the hills were chequered with
plantations ; and every valley watered by a stream ;
of all the productions of nature this country was adorned
with, the cocoanut trees were the most conspicuous."

Whilst working up the bay, the wind being light

296 1 772-1 774— SECOND VOYAGE [chap. xiii.

and variable, the ship was watched from a respectful
distance by several canoes with which they did not
succeed in opening up any communication, but on the
following day two or three canoes, whose occupants
were armed only with fishing spears, ventured near
enough to have a few presents thrown to them ; but
here the intercourse ended, for Cook, notwithstanding
the inviting appearance of the place, determined to
waste no further time away from the main object of
his voyage, i.e.^ exploration of the southern ocean,
and as the ship was not in want of anything he could
procure at these islands, and as the wind was favourable,
he sailed for New Zealand to refit and refresh.

CHAPTER XIV

1 774-1 775 — SECOND VOYAGE — CONTINUED

On 4th September Midshipman Colnett sighted land,
which proved to be a large island, to which Cook gave
the name of ''New Caledonia," the point seen being
called '' Cape Colnett." A reef at first prevented the ship
from approaching, but on the boats being sent out to
sound, an opening was soon discovered, and the
Resolution worked up to the anchorage, where she was
quickly surrounded by canoes, whose occupants were
totally unarmed. At first they were very shy of coming
near, but at length those in one canoe were persuaded
to receive some small presents, and in return gave some
fish, which ''stunk intolerably," but it was received in
hopes that further and more satisfactory trading might
result. After a time some of them were persuaded to
come on board, dinner was offered to them, but they
would touch nothing but yams. They appeared to have
no knowledge of dogs, cats, hogs, or goats, but greatly
appreciated both red cloth and nails. After dinner
Cook landed, and was received in a friendly manner by
the inhabitants, to the chief of whom he, as usual,
made presents. He indicated by signs that he wanted
water for the ship, and was conducted to a small
straggling village, where water was pointed out, but it
was too inconvenient of access. The land near the
village was well cultivated and irrigated, the plantations
consisting chiefly of yams, plantains, and cocoanuts,
but the latter were not bearing much fruit.

297

298 I774-I775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

As an eclipse of the sun was expected on the 6th,
Mr Wales took possession of a small island, and was
able to secure a moderately good observation ; the
period of first contact was partially obscured by clouds.
From this observation the position of the island was
fixed as 26" if 39" S., 164° 41' 21" E. On this day the
ship's butcher, named Monk, ^'a man much esteemed
in the ship," fell down the forehatch, and suffered such
injuries that he died the next day. Whilst the crew
were employed in getting a supply of water on board, a
convenient place having been found by Mr Pickersgill,
a small party went up the hills to inspect the surround-
ing country. They were escorted by some of the
natives, and as all they met turned back to follow. Cook
remarks, "at last our train was numerous." They got a
splendid view, being able to see right across the island,
the width of which was estimated at not more than 10
leagues. On their return to the ship they found that
the clerk had purchased a fish, something like a sun-
fish, and as it was a new kind, some little trouble was
taken to draw and describe it. The liver and roe were
prepared for supper, and Cook and the Forsters ate
some. About three in the morning Forster woke up
feeling seriously ill, and found that his son and
Cook were also suffering severely. The doctor was
immediately called, but notwithstanding his most care-
ful attention, it was some time before they completely
recovered. In the morning some of the natives saw the
fish hanging up, and immediately signified that it was
not good to eat, though Cook says that when it was
purchased nothing of the kind was intimated. Whilst
Cook was away from the ship, a chief with about twenty
followers visited it with a present of yams and sugar
cane, and was greatly delighted to receive a couple of
dogs on the captain's return. Owing to the dangerous
nature of the reef, the ship could not be taken very
near in, so Gilbert and Pickersgill were sent out in

XIV.] ISLE OF PINES

299

the boats to explore to the westward, but were not
successful in obtaining any information of interest.
Gilbert believed he had seen the north-western end of
the island, but the reef and shoals prevented them from
putting the matter beyond doubt.

The natives of New Caledonia are described as
robust and well made, ^'and not in the least addicted
to pilfering, which is more than can be said of any
other nation in this sea." The only tame animals they
had were fowls of a large breed with very bright
plumage. The greater part of the surface of the country
appeared to consist of rocky hills, and bore a great
resemblance to New South Wales ; many of the trees
were identical with those seen in the latter country.
Having left a sow and boar on shore, where they hoped
they would be permitted to breed, and having marked a
tree near the watering-place with the name of the ship
and the date, they took leave of their friends and sailed
to the south, being off the Isle of Pines on 19th
September. The ship was now in most dangerous
waters, full of rocks with deep water close round them,
and Cook says that their safety was entirely due to the
splendid manner in which the watch was kept and the
brisk way in which the ship was handled. On the
mainland Mr Forster noted *' innumerable columnar
forms of a considerable height, which we distinguished
by the help of our glasses," and he put them down as
of basaltic formation, being very proud of his discovery.
However, on closer examination these formations proved
to be trees of the Pine family, some of them on Botany
Island being afterwards cut down for use as spars, and
Cook indulges in a good-natured laugh at the expense
of ''our philosophers." They were not able to land on
the Island of Pines, but for all that, by some unknown
means, Mr Hodges was able to paint a picture of the
interior of that island — at least one is published under
that description in Cook's Voyages. The constant risks

300 I774-I775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

which the ship was running and the consequent waste of
valuable time caused Cook, much against his wish, to
leave without further examination. On loth October
Norfolk Island was discovered and a landing was
effected, but no signs of inhabitants were seen. A
good supply of fish, a few birds, and some cabbage
palms were obtained, which made a welcome addition to
the larder. Many of the trees and plants were found
to be identical with those of New Zealand.

Mount Egmont was sighted on the 17th, and the
next day they anchored safely in Queen Charlotte's
Sound, when the first thing done was to look for the
bottle that had been left for the Adventure, It was not
to be found, and there was nothing to show by whom
it had been removed ; but the next day they found a
place where trees had been cut down with axes and
saws, and where an observatory had been set up, and
came to the conclusion that their consort had been
there since their last visit. They soon after ascertained
from the natives (who at first were very shy, but who
as soon as they saw Cook were delighted, ** jumping
and skipping about like madmen ") that the Adventure
had come in soon after the departure of the Resolution
and had stayed two or three weeks. A story was also
told that a short time before the return of Cook a ship
had been lost on the north side of the straits, and some
of the people got ashore, but having had their clothes
stolen by the inhabitants, they shot some of them, and
then, when their ammunition was exhausted, the
natives closed in and killed them all. Cook could find
no proof of the truth of this story, and was inclined to
believe that his informants had misunderstood what had
been said to them. A fresh series of observations was
made, and Cook found that in his first chart he had
placed the South Island some 40' too far to the east,
and had made the distance between Queen Charlotte's
Sound and Cape Palliser 10' nearer to each other than

A-

XIV.] A LAND OF DESOLATION 301

they should have been. In this connection he speaks
in the very highest terms of the anxiety of Mr Wales
to have everything as accurate as possible.

Having refitted and refreshed the crew with a course
of vegetable diet in the form of scurvy grass and wild
celery, the gardens that had been made were found
to have been entirely neglected by the natives, but
some of the seeds had done well — the Resolution left
the Sound on nth November at daybreak, to cross
the South Pacific in latitude 54° or 55°. The course
Cook laid down was thoroughly carried out, and he
convinced himself that there was no possibility of
meeting with any undiscovered land in that portion of
the ocean. He therefore stood for the western entrance
of Magellan's Straits, sighting Cape Descada on 17th
December. The coast was followed round to Christmas
Sound, where they anchored on 20th December, surveys
being made as fully as circumstances would permit.
The country to the South of Cape Desolation consisted
chiefly of rocky mountains without a sign of vegetation,
and Cook says it was ^*the most desolate and barren
country I ever saw." In Christmas Sound, however,
they were more fortunate, as they were able to get
a good supply of wood and water, and the day before
Christmas a party went out shooting and obtained a
large number of geese, which were an agreeable addition
to the Christmas dinner, which otherwise would have
been restricted to salt beef and pork ; the last of the fish
salted in New Zealand having been eaten shortly before
arriving off the coast of Terra del Fuego. Another
very welcome addition was wild celery, which was found
growing in great profusion.

On 22nd December one of the marines disappeared,
and, as he was last seen in the head of the ship during
the night, it was concluded that he had accidentally fallen
overboard unheard. During their stay in the Sound
they were visited by some of the natives who were

302 1774-1775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

described as being **a little, ugly, half-starved, beard-
less race. I saw not a tall person amongst them."
They were on board on Christmas Day, but retired
before dinner, and Cook thinks no one asked any of
them to stay, as the scent of the dirt and train oil
they carried about with them was

*' enough to spoil the appetite of any European, and that
would have been a real disappointment, as we had not
experienced such fare for some time. Roast and boiled
geese, goose-pie, etc., was a treat little known to us;
and we had yet some Madeira wine left, which was
the only article of our provision which was mended
by keeping, so that our friends in England did not
perhaps celebrate Christmas more cheerfully than we
did."

The natives had European knives, cloth, hand-
kerchiefs, etc., in their possession, proving that this
was not the first time they had been in communication
with white men. Forster says they had canoes, which
could not have been made in the neighbourhood, as
there was no timber growing near of sufficient size.

On 28th December the anchor was weighed, and
following down the deeply indented coast, they passed
Cape Horn at half-past seven the next day. Cook
recognised it again as the point he had seen in 1769,
but which he had been unable to verify as the most
southern point of America, owing to the bad weather.
He now made its longitude to be 68° 13' W., a little
further to the west than it should be. After passing the
Cape, Cook made for Success Bay in hopes that he
might find some news of the Adventure, On his arrival
Mr Pickersgill was sent ashore, where he was well
received by the natives, but was not able to learn
anything about the missing consort, so, as soon as
he returned, sail was made for Staten Island, as Cook
was not satisfied with the position he had assigned to
it in his chart of the first voyage, and desired to take

XIV.] ANOTHER NEW YEAR

303

further observations. The weather turned out foggy
and unpropitious, but for all that, they were able to
sail along the north coast and obtain valuable
information.

On 1st January 1775 they landed on one of the small
islands and obtained a supply of birds and seals, the
young of the latter proving very palatable, but the old
ones were far too rank for use as food. Mr Gilbert went
off in a boat to look for a good anchorage near the
mainland, and soon returned reporting that there was
a fine sheltered harbour with sandy bottom and a fair
supply of wood and water, so the ship was taken in
and the place received the name of New Year Harbour.
The weather turned out very unfavourable for surveying,
so Cook gave up the idea, but not before he and his
officers had come to the conclusion that the coasts of
Terra del Fuego and Staten Island were not as
dangerous to navigation as they had been represented
to be by previous explorers.

On 3rd January they left New Year Harbour for
the south-east in order to verify the position of the
extensive coast-line laid down on Dalrymple's chart,
in which was placed the Gulf of Sebastian, which Cook
thought did not exist. On 6th January, being then
in latitude 58° oj S., longitude 53° 14' W., the position
in which Dalrymple had placed the south-west point
of the Gulf, and seeing no signs whatever of the
neighbourhood of land, they bore up to the north in
the hopes of meeting with the land discovered by
La Roche in 1675. On the morning of the 14th
Georgia Island was sighted, but at first mistaken for
ice, as it was entirely covered with snow, a matter of
some surprise, as it was now the height of the southern
summer. The ship ran in between Georgia and Willis
Islands, and on the 17th a landing was effected, and the
country taken possession of in the King's name. Cook
did not think it worth while to take the ship into

304 i774-i775~SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

Possession Bay, as he did not believe that *'any one
would ever be benefited by the discovery." There was
no vegetation, except a few mosses and a kind of coarse
grass, but plenty of seals and birds were obtained,
acceptable substitutes for salt meat, of which Cook
says he was so tired that anything fresh was palatable.

The weather was very bad up till the 25th, when they
were at last able to get to the south again till the 60th
parallel was reached, when, being *^ tired of these high
southern latitudes where nothing was to be found but
ice and thick fogs," he made to the east. A long
hollow swell coming up from the west convinced him
that he was correct in concluding that the land and
Gulf of St Sebastian did not exist. On the 28th they
were again amongst the ice, and wasted much valuable
time in trying to keep clear. Two large islands were
sighted on the 30th, but, owing to the ice and fog, they
could make but little of them. The next morning they
were more fortunate and had a good view of one island
some three or four miles off. Three rocky peaked islets
were seen to the northward, and the largest was named
* ^ Freezeland Peak, after the man who first discovered
it" (S. Freesland, A.B.). Behind these rocks was
an elevated coast of considerable extent, the most
southern of which Cook named Southern Thule, as he
believed it to be the land furthest south of any yet
discovered ; the position of the ship being then 59° 13'
30" S., 27^" 45' W. Further to the north again more land
was seen, but it was thought to be running into needless
danger to venture any closer in.

During the early part of February they ran down
to the eastward between the parallels of 58° and 59° S.
amidst heavy seas and constant snowstorms, the ship
having to be frequently thrown up into the wind to
shake the snow out of her sails or she could not have
carried the weight. Another attempt was made to find
the elusive Cape Circumcision, and then on 23rd

XIV.] NEWS FROM EUROPE

305

February her head was turned in the direction of the
Cape of Good Hope. Cook had now completed the
circumnavigation of the globe in the high southern
latitudes, and had solved the problem of the non-existence
of any southern continent except in close proximity
to the South Pole. He firmly believed that such a
continent did exist in the far south, and thought that
probably it extended further towards the north in the
South Atlantic and Indian Oceans than anywhere else.
These opinions he founded on his observations of the
movements of the icefields. At the same time he
asserted that further explorations to the south would
be of very little service to the science of navigation,
and the knowledge gained would not be worth the
cost and the danger that must necessarily be incurred
in its pursuit.

On 1 6th March two Dutch ships were sighted steering
to the west, and Cook, naturally anxious to have some
European news after such a long absence from civilisa-
tion, sent off a boat to the nearest. On his return
the officer who was in charge reported that the ship
was the Bownkirke Polder^ Captain Bosch, from Bengal.
They were offered supplies of sugar, arrack, or any-
thing else that he had, notwithstanding that his own
supplies were not very large, as he had been some
time out from his port of departure. Some English
sailors who were on board reported that the Adventure
had been at the Cape of Good Hope some twelve months
previously, and had given an account of the massacre
of a boat's crew at New Zealand. Whilst waiting for
the return of this boat a slight breeze sprang up,
bringing with it three more sail, one of which proved
to be on her way to England, and did not intend
touching at the Cape. Her commander, Captain
Broadley, furnished them with some fresh provisions,
tea, etc., and a packet of old newspapers, and confirmed
the report about the Adventure, Cook took advantage

U

3o6 1 7 74-1 7 7 5— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

of the opportunity thus afforded to forward a letter to
the Admiralty.

On the 1 8th land was seen, and on the 22nd they
came to an anchor in Table Bay, saluting the Dutch
flag with thirteen guns, which salute was immediately
returned, and the following morning Cook waited on
the Governor, who did everything in his power to
assist him, and make the stay of the ship agreeable.

The first care was to provide fresh food for the
crew, and Cook was greatly pleased to be able to
report that he had only three men whom it was necessary
to send ashore on account of sickness. The remainder
were given as much leave as the refitting of the ship
would allow. The rigging had naturally suffered very
severely, and had to be replaced, but he says that not-
withstanding he had sailed upwards of 20,000 leagues ;
his masts were in a very satisfactory condition, and
that fact alone spoke well for the care and ability of
his officers and men and the high qualities of his ship.
The new rigging, of course, had to be purchased from
the Dutch Government Stores, and, as at Batavia, he
was charged a most exorbitant price for everything.

Mr Forster says that, whilst at the Cape, Cook
carefully avoided having any intercourse with the
Spaniards who happened to be there, but does not
suggest any reason for his doing so. On the other
hand, M. de Crozet, who put in on his way to
Pondicherry, was very favourably impressed with his
courtesy and his great qualifications as a discoverer.
Cook also heard here for the first time of M. de
Surville's voyage, and also that he had cleared away
a mistake Cook had made in supposing that the reefs
of New Caledonia extended as far as the Great Barrier
Reef off the east coast of Australia.

Mr Forster purchased a quantity of wild animals and
birds, many of which died before reaching England,
and he roundly accused the crew of having maliciously

XIV.] HOME ONCE MORE

307

killed them, but Mr Wales asserts that the accusation
was absolutely without any foundation. Mr Sparrman
left the ship to resume his scientific researches, which
he afterwards made public.

Having refitted and provisioned his ship, Cook set
sail for St Helena on 27th April, arriving there on
1 6th May. A Mr Skottowe was Governor there at
this time, and it may be that he was a relative of
Cook's first patron at Ayton. On their arrival Mr
Kendal's watch was found to differ by about two miles
from a comparison with the observations made by
Messrs Mason and Dixon at the Cape, and those of
Mr Maskelyne at St Helena.

On 2 1 St May the Resolution left St Helena in
company with H.E.I.C.S. Button^ but parted company
on the 24th, as Cook wished to determine the position
of Fernando de Noronho. He called at Ascension on
his way and obtained a good supply of fresh turtle,
arriving at Fernando de Noronho on 9th June. The
position of the island was fixed as 3° 50' S., 32° 34' W.
The Equator was crossed on the nth in 32° 14' W.,
and on 14th July the Resolution anchored in the Bay
of Fayal in the Azores, where Mr Wales had another
good opportunity of rating the watch by observation,
and a fresh supply of meat and vegetables for the
crew was obtained. The Azores were left on the 19th,
and land was sighted near Plymouth on the 29th. On
the 30th they anchored at Spithead, and Cook, Wales,
Hodges, and the two Forsters immediately started for
London, after having been away from England for three
years and eighteen days, during which time they had
lost only four of the crew. Three of these deaths had
been accidental, and only one from disease — a record
unprecedented in the annals of English Naval history.

The war with the American colonies was occupying
the attention of the public when Cook arrived at home,
but the newspapers found time and space to publish a

3o8 1774-1 775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

few somewhat erroneous paragraphs on the subject
of his voyage, notwithstanding that the general interest
had been to some extent discounted by the earlier
arrival of the Adventure,

The St James's Chronicle of ist August 1775 said :

*' Yesterday Morning an Express arrived at the
Admiralty Office with an account of the Endeavour Bark
{sic) Captain Cook, being safe arrived off Portsmouth
from the South Seas, after a fine short passage from
St Helena. Among Captain Cook's discoveries, it is
said, he has found an island in the South Seas, that
is 160 miles long, and 146 broad, the climate delightful,
and the soil of the most luxuriant fertility, sugar cane,
cocoa trees, cinnamon, and nutmegs among the
spontaneous growth. The natives are not numerous,
but of a mild and civilised disposition. From the
Captain's account of it, it is thought the most eligible
place for establishing a settlement of any yet dis-
covered."

The Morning Post, nth August, says:

^' We hear from good authority that Captain Cook,
who lately arrived in the river from the South Seas
in His Majesty's Ship The Endeavour (sic) has discovered
an island of vast extent and well wooded, in the Great
Pacific Ocean, between Juan Fernandez and the continent
of China. The island, it is said, is inhabited by a race
of people as singular in their manners as they are
whimsical in their appearance. As the greatest secrecy
is observed and every precaution used to prevent the
particulars from transpiring before they are laid before
the Lords of the Admiralty, nothing further can yet
be known, however, it seems to be the prevailing
opinion that the proper latitude has not been discovered
for facilitating the passage to the East Indies so much
wished for, a doubt cannot remain of the possibility of
the discovery, as, but some few years ago, some state
exiles made their escape from the Deserts of Siberia in
a vessel they seized, and without the smallest knowledge
of Astronomy or Navigation, got safe to Japan and
came through the Straits of Magellan to some of our
settlements and from thence to Europe."

XIV.] NEWSPAPER REPORTS 309

A somewhat confusing paragraph.

The London Chronicle^ 3rd August, announces :

^'On Sunday arrived at Spithead after an agreeable
voyage round the world, Captain Cook in the storeship
Resolution. It is said they have discovered many islands
in the South Seas that never were heard of before ; the
inhabitants of which appear to have plenty of every-
thing."

The same paper on 8th August says :

^*It is under consideration to pay the crew of the
above ship double wages on account of their good
behaviour, which has been represented to his Majesty
in the most favourable light by their late commander,
Cap*- Cook. Several of the hands have already been
appointed Warrant Officers by the Lords of the
Admiralty."

Lloy(Vs Evening Post and British Chronicle^ 7th
August, says :

**We hear by Cap*- Cooke, who arrived in town
from his long voyage round the World, that they
discovered in 71° 30' an amazing face of a perpendicular
rock, with a large chain of country ; but the ice was so
thick, the weather so inclement, and the sea so very
high that they could not land. They also called again
at New Zealand where the savages treated them with
civility, attention, and hospitality, and they clearly
informed them of murdering their people before, and
having eaten them. The reason they assigned was,
because they had killed, unprovoked, some of their
people."

The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser gravely
announces on 12th August that

**Capt- Cooke will be appointed Admiral of the Blue,
and command a fleet which is preparing to go out in
the spring, as a reward for the discoveries he has made
in his last voyage in the South Seas."

After reporting himself to their Lordships at White-

3IO 1774-1775— SECOND VOYAGE [cuay.

hall and to Mrs Cook at Mile End, Cook was summoned
to St James's Palace on 9th August, where he had a long
audience with the King and presented His Majesty with
several maps and charts, and submitted some drawings
to his notice, some of which were selected and ordered
to be engraved for the private museum. In return the
King presented Cook with his commission as Post-
Captain, and appointed him to H.M.S. KenL The
commission bears the date 9th August, and is signed
by Lord Sandwich, H. Penton, and H. Palliser.

The other promotions on account of this voyage,
as obtained from the ^* Commissions and Warrants
Book," were as follows:

Mr Tobias Furneaux to be Captain of H.M.S. Syren^
loth August 1775.

Mr Arthur Kempe to be Commander of H.M.S
Favourite^ Sloop, loth August 1775.

Mr Robert Palliser Cooper to be Commander of
H.M.S. Hawke, Sloop, loth August 1775.

Mr Isaac Smith to be Lieutenant of H.M.S. Weazle^
Sloop, 19th August 1775.

Mr Charles Clerke to be Commander of H.M.S.
Favourite^ Sloop, 26th August 1775.

James Gray to be Boatswain of H.M.S. Essex, 13th
September 1775.

Wm. Ewin to be Boatswain of H.M.S. Resolution,
13th September 1775.

Mr Arthur Kempe to be Commander of H.M.S.
Wolf, i8th September 1775.

James Wallis to be Carpenter of H.M.S. Firm, 6th
October 1775.

James Cleveley to be Carpenter of H.M.S.
Resolution, 13th November 1775.

Captain Furneaux, it was at first reported, was to
return with Omai ^ to Otaheite and prosecute further
explorations in the South Seas, but on 5th October he
sailed for America in the Syren, was present at the

^ See p. 344

XIV.] FORSTER'S RECEPTION 311

attack on New Orleans in 1777, and died four years
afterwards at the early age of forty-six years.

Whilst on the subject of the promotions, it may be
noted that Mr Wales was appointed Mathematical
Master at Christ's Hospital, and Charles Lamb
mentions him as having been a very severe man, but

''a perpetual fund of humour, a constant glee about
him, heightened by an inveterate provincialism of
North Country dialect, absolutely took away the sting
from his severities."

Mr Forster was also received by the King at Kew,
and was afterwards presented to the Queen, to whom
he gave some of the birds he had purchased at the
Cape of Good Hope. He also appears to have attracted
the notice of other public characters of a less respectable
kind, for Lloyd* s Evening Post of nth August says :

** On Thursday night the house of Mr John Reinhold
Forster, at Paddington, who is but just returned from
a three years' voyage round the world in the Resolution^
was broke open and robbed of effects to a considerable
amount. Part of the family was that night removed
to a house in Percy Street, Rathbone Place."

Again the Morning Posty 23rd August, reports :

** Monday night, as Mr John Reynold Forster was
returning from Chelsea in a post chaise, he was attacked
by three highwaymen, near Bloody Bridge, who robbed
him of three guineas and a watch set with diamonds."

Acting under advice from the Admiralty, Cook, on
1 2th August, wrote as follows to Mr Stephens :

"Admiralty Office,
" i2tk August 1775.

**SiR, — The death of Captain Clements, one of the
captains in the Royal Hospital at Greenwich, making
a vacancy there, I humbly offer myself to my Lords

312 1 7 74-1 7 75— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

Commissioners of the Admiralty as a candidate for it,
presuming if I am fortunate enough to merit their
Lordship's approbation, they will allow me to quit it,
when either the call of my country for more active
service or that my endeavours in any shape can be
essential to the publick, as I would on no account be
understood to withdraw from that line of service which
their Lordship's goodness has raised me to, knowing
myself capable of engaging in any duty which they may
be pleased to commit to my charge. — I am with the
greatest respect, Sir, your most humble serv^- ,

^* James Cook."

To this application Mr Stephens immediately
replied :

'•^ i2ih August 177$.

**SiR, — Having communicated to my Lords Com-
missioners of the Admiralty your letter of this date
humbly offering yourself as a candidate to fill up the
present vacancy of a Captain in Greenwich Hospital, but
at the same time expressing your hopes that if you
should be so fortunate as to merit their Lordship's
approbation, they will allow you to quit that employ-
ment when either the call of your country for more
active service, or that your endeavours in any shape
can be essential to the public, as you wu'd on no
account be understood to withdraw from that line of
service which their Lordship's goodness has raised you
to ; I am in return to acquaint you that their Lordships
have been pleased to appoint you fourth Captain in the
said Hospital, and that they will agreeably to your
request allow you to quit the same whenever there
may be call for your more active services, — I am. Sir,
etc., etc. P. S."

The actual letter of appointment, as copied from the
** Commissions Book," runs as follows ;

*^To Captain James Cook.

^* Whereas we repose a Trust and Confidence in your
Care, Prudence, and Vigilance ; we do hereby Constitute
and Appoint you Fourth Captain of His Majesty's

XIV.] GREENWICH HOSPITAL 313

Royal Hospital for Seamen at Greenwich, which Place
you are to take into your Charge and Execute according
to the Standing Instructions during our Pleasure and
you are to follow such further Orders and Directions as
you shall receive from Us, the Lord High Admiral for
the time being, and the Governor for the time being,
and the Lieutenant-Governor of the said Hospital for
the time being. — Given, etc., under the seal, etc., the
1 2th August 1775.

Sandwich.

H. Penton.

H. Palliser."
^* By etc. A 5."

The salary attached to this appointment of Captain
of Greenwich Hospital was ;£'200 per annum, with a
residence and certain small allowances, such as fire
and light, and one shilling and twopence per diem
table money.

A week after receiving this new position Cook found
time to reply to a letter he had received from Mr Walker
of Whitby, and he shows very distinctly that he feels
as if he were placed on the shelf.

"Mile End,
" i<)th August 177$.

** Dear Sir, — As I have not now time to draw up an
account of such occurrences of the voyage as I wish
to communicate to you, I can only thank you for your
obliging letter and kind enquiries after me in my
absence. I must however tell you that the Resolution
was found to answer, on all occasions, even beyond
my expectations, and is so little injured by the voyage
that she will soon be sent out again. But I shall not
command her. My fate drives me from one extreme
to another ; a few months ago the whole southern
hemisphere was hardly big enough for me, and now
I am going to be confined within the limits of
Greenwich Hospital, which are far too small for an
active mind like mine. I must, however, confess it is
a fine retreat and a pretty income, but whether I can
bring myself to like ease and retirement, time will

3X4 I774-I77S— SECOND VOYAGE [chaf.

show. Mrs Cook joins with me in best respects to
you and all your family ; and believe me to be, with
great esteem, D^" Sir, your most affectionate friend
and humble serv^- James Cook."

Shortly after sending the above letter, Cook was able
to write again to Mr Walker, giving a rapid sketch of
the voyage. Although it is going over the old ground
again, the letter is introduced here because the gratuitous
sneer of Mr Forster that the published account of the
voyage owed more to the editing of Canon Douglas
than to the writing of Cook, has been repeated by later
writers, and a careful perusal of this letter will con-
clusively prove that it would be difficult for any editor
to improve its clear conciseness.

"Mile End, London,
"14M September 1775.

^*Dear Sir, — I now sit down to fulfil the promise
I made you in my last, which was to give you some
account of my last voyage : which I am more at liberty
to do, as it will be published as soon as the drawings
which are to accompany it can be got engraved. I left
the Cape of Good Hope on the 22nd of November 1772,
and proceeded to the south till I got into the latitude of
55°, where I met with a vast field of ice, and much
foggy weather, and large islets or floating mountains
of ice without number. After some trouble and not a
little danger, I got to the south of the field of ice ; and
after beating about for some time for land, in a sea
strewed with ice, I, on the 17th January '73, crossed
the Antarctic circle, and the same evening found it
unsafe, or rather impossible, to stand further to the
south for ice. We were at this time in the latitude
of 67° 15' S., longitude 40° east of Greenwich.

Seeing no signs of meeting with land in these high
latitudes, I stood away to the northward to look for
that which, as I was informed at the Cape of Good
Hope, had lately been discovered by the French, in
about the latitude of 48J'' and longitude 57"^ or 60°,
this land (if any) I did not find, probably owing to
hard westerly gales I met with, which might carry me

XIV.] LETTER TO WALKER 315

something" to the east of the situation. While I was
looking for this land, the Adventure was separated
from me ; this did not hinder me from proceeding
again to the south to the latitude of 61° and 62°, which
was as far as the ice and prudence would allow me. I
kept between this latitude and 50° without seeing any
signs of land, till I thought proper to steer for N.
Zealand, where I anchored in Dusky Bay on the 26th
of March. This Bay is on the S.W. point of N.
Zealand, and abounds with fish and wild fowl, on
which we refreshed ourselves for near seven weeks,
and then sailed to Queen Charlotte's Sound, where
I found the Adventure^ which had been here six
weeks.

*' I left this Sound on the 7th of June and proceeded
with the two ships to the east, between the latitudes
of 42° and 47°, till we got into the longitude of 136° W.
Despairing of finding land in the high latitudes, I bore
up for Otaheite, as it was now necessary for us to get
into port, the Adventurers crew being very sickly. In
our run to Otaheite we discovered, in latitude 17°, some
low isles, and on the 17th of August we anchored at
Otaheite, but not before we were within an ace of losing
the Resolution, At this isle we remained 16 days, got
plenty of fruit, but very little fresh pork ; the people
seemed not to have it to spare. I next visited Huaheine
and Ulietea, where the good people of these isles gave
us everything the isles produced, with a liberal and full
hand, and we left them with our decks crowded with
pigs and our rigging loaded with fruit. I next visited
Amsterdam in latitude 21°, an island discovered by the
Dutch in 1642 ; it is one of those happy isles on which
Nature has been lavishing of her favours, and its
inhabitants are a friendly, benevolent race, and readily
supplied the wants of the navigator. From this isle
I steered for New Zealand, and after having been some
days in sight of our port, the Adventure was again
separated from me and I saw her no more.

*' After waiting something more than three weeks for
her in Queen Charlotte's Sound, I put to sea and stood
to the South, where I met with nothing but ice and
excessive cold, bad weather. Here I spent near four
months beating about between the latitudes of 48"" and
68°. Once I got as high as 71° 10', and further it was

3i6 1774-1775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

not possible to go for ice, which lay as firm as land.
Here we saw ice mountains whose summits were lost
in clouds. I was now fully satisfied that there was no
Southern Continent. I nevertheless resolved to spend
some time longer in these seas, and, with this resolution,
I stood away to the north, and on the 14th of March
1774 I found, and anchored, at Easter Island, the only
land I had seen from leaving New Zealand. The people
of this isle received us kindly ; we got from them some
sweet potatoes and fruit, which was of great service
to us, as we were in great want of refreshments,
particularly myself, who had but just recovered from
a dangerous illness ; the most of my people were,
however, pretty healthy. This island lies in the
latitude of 27° 6' S., longitude 109° 52' W., is about
12 leagues' circuit, rather barren, and without any
wood or good fresh water, or even a safe road ; conse-
quently my stay was short. It does not contain many
inhabitants, and we saw but few women in proportion
to the men. They are a slender people, and go almost
naked. At this isle are stone statues of a vast size,
erected along the sea coast ; we saw some 27 feet high.
We judged them to be places dedicated to the dead ;
their shape was a rude resemblance of a man crowned
with a great stone in the shape of a drum but vastly
larger.

*^ I next visited the Marquesas, which lie in 10° South
latitude, and are inhabited by a friendly and handsome
race of people. Here we got plenty of fruit, and some
pork, and fresh water. From the Marquesas, I steered
for Otaheite, where I arrived the latter end of April.
I now found this isle in the most flourishing state
imaginable, and was received by the inhabitants with a
hospitality altogether unknown in Europe. I remained
at this and the Society Islands till the 4th of June,
when I proceeded to the West, touched at Rotterdam,
and discovered some small isles of little note. After
this I fell in with the land discovered by Quiros and
afterwards visited by Bougainville, but explored by
neither. I found it to consist of a group of isles,
extending from 14° to 20° South latitude. The
inhabitants of these isles were far less civilized than
those more to the East, and composed of three different
nations, one of which was a small race with apish faces,

XIV.] LETTER TO WALKER

317

and used poisoned arrows. They were all warlike,
and obliged us to work with our arms in hand. They
seemed to be very numerous, and go almost naked ;
they are of a very dark colour, inclining to black, and
some of them have wooly hair. The isles are fertile,
and yield fruit and roots ; we saw no animals but hogs
and fowls ; they have not so much as a name for goats,
dogs, or cats, and consequently can have no knowledge
of them. Some of them gave us to understand, in such
a manner as admitted of little doubt, that they ate
human flesh.

*' After leaving these isles, I hauled away to the
S.W., and on the 4th of September discovered a large
island, which I called Nova Caledonia. It extends from
19° to 22^° South latitude. This country is inhabited by
a friendly race ; our landing in their country gave them
not the least apparent uneasiness, and they suffered us
to go wherever we pleased. They wear little clothing.
The country is rather warm and very mountainous and
rocky, consequently unfit for cultivation. All that can
be cultivated is done, and is planted with yams and other
roots, and some fruits. This country produceth fine
timber for masts and such like purposes, which is what
I have not found in any other tropical isle. The coast
is beset with shoals and breakers, which in many places
extend a long way out to sea, so that we ran not a little
risk in exploring it, and at last were obliged to leave it
unfinished.

" From Caledonia I steered for New Zealand, and in
the latitude of 29° discovered a small uninhabited isle
covered with fine timber. October 19th we anchored the
third time in Queen Charlotte's Sound in New Zealand,
where we remained three weeks. The inhabitants of
this place gave us some account of some strangers
having been killed by them, but we did not under-
stand that they were part of our consort's crew till
we arrived at the Cape of Good Hope. That the New
Zealanders are cannibals will no longer be disputed,
not only from the melancholy fate of the Adventurers
people, and of Captain Marion and his fellow-sufferers,
but from what I and my whole crew have seen with
our eyes. Nevertheless, I think them a good sort of
people, at least I have always found good treatment
amongst them.

3i8 1 774-1 775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

** After leaving New Zealand, I steered directly for
Cape Horn ; I put in at Terra del Fuego and Staten
Land, where we met with little worthy of note. On
my passage from the last-mentioned land to the Cape
of Good Hope, I fell in with an isle of about 70 leagues
in circuit, and situated between the latitudes of 54°
and 55°, which was wholly covered with snow and ice.
Again in the latitude of 59° I met with more land, the
southern extent of which I did not find, so that I was
not able to determine whether it was composed of isles,
or was part of a large land. Some parts of it showed
a surface composed of lofty mountains whose summits
were lost in the clouds and everywhere covered with
snow, down to the very wash of the sea, notwith-
standing this was the very height of summer, or rather
towards the autumn, when the weather is warmest in
the southern seas. We also met with a great deal of
ice in the sea, both isles and drift ice. After leaving
this land, I sought in vain for Cape Circumcision, and
on the 22nd of March arrived at the Cape of Good
Hope in great want of stores and provisions, fresh
provisions especially, which we had not tasted for a
long time, except it was sea-fowls, seals, etc.

**I left the Cape on the 27th of April, touched at
St Helena, Ascension, and Fayal, and arrived at
Spithead the 30th of July, having lost only four men
from the time of my leaving England ; two were drowned,
one was killed by a fall, and one died of the dropsy
and a complication of other disorders, without the least
mixture of scurvy.

**This, Sir, is an imperfect outline of my voyage,
which I hope you will excuse, as the multiplicity of
business I have now on my hands will not admit of my
being more particular or accurate. Anything further
you may want to know, you will always find me ready
to communicate. I did expect, and was in hopes that
I had put an end to all voyages of this kind to the
Pacific Ocean, as we are now sure that no Southern
Continent exists there, unless so near the Pole that
the coast cannot be navigated for ice, and therefore not
worth the discovery, but the sending home of Omai
will occasion another voyage, which I expect will soon
be undertaken. Mrs Cook joins me in best respects

XIV.] THE ADVENTURES JOURNAL 319

to you and all your family, and believe me to be, with
great esteem, yours most sincerely,

''James Cook."

*'P.5. — My compliments to Mr Ellerton if he is yet
living."

It has been asked who was Mr Ellerton? The late
Mr G. W. Waddington took the trouble to enquire
closely into the matter, and has found that a Richard
Ellerton is entered in the Whitby Assessment Books
as being the mate of a ship, and also as occupying a
house in Church Street, Whitby, as an alehouse in
the years 1747 to 1753. He found many cases where
mates and even masters of ships kept alehouses, and
he came to the conclusion that Richard Ellerton was
probably a mate on one of Messrs Walker's ships,
on which Cook served with him, and that they became
friends.

Soon after Cook's arrival in London, Captain
Furneaux handed him his Journal containing the account
of the proceedings of H.M.S. Adventure after the separa-
tion off the coast of New Zealand. From this Journal
it appears that after being blown off the land at Table
Cape in the beginning of November 1773, they again
sighted the coast near Cape Palliser on the 4th, and
succeeded in obtaining some fish from the natives.
They were soon afterwards blown out again, and their
sails and rigging suffered severely, so when the gale
moderated, Furneaux put into Tolago Bay as he was
short of water, and the decks were leaking badly. Here
they were able to obtain wood and water and a good
supply of fresh fish and vegetables from the natives,
who appeared to be permanent residents, as they had
large plantations of fruits, yams, etc. On the 13th
the Adventure made another start, but was obliged to
put back again till the i6th, owing to the bad weather,
but even then the wind was so contrary that they were

320 I774-I775— SECOND VOYAGE [chap.

not able to reach Queen Charlotte's Sound till the
30th, when the bottle left by Cook was at once found,
and told them they had arrived just six days too late.
Furneaux at once commenced to refit as rapidly as
possible, but as a large quantity of the bread was
found to require rebaking, they were again delayed.
However, they were ready to sail by 17th December,
and Mr Rowe was sent out in a boat to obtain a
supply of vegetables, and the ship was to have sailed
the following day. As the boat did not return Mr
Burney was sent off in the launch with a party of
marines to look for them. After some search the
remains of some of the party were found, and they
ascertained that they had been attacked and all killed,
and some eaten by the natives. Portions of the remains
found were identified — Mr Rowe's hand from an old
injury, Thomas Hill's hand, which had been tattooed in
Otaheite, the hand of the captain's servant, and the
shoes of Midshipman Woodhouse. A portion of the
cutter was also found. The natives who had these
remains in their possession were fired on, but Mr Burney
did not consider he could take any further steps, as
he estimated that there were fully fifteen hundred
of them near the place. Captain Furneaux did not
consider that the attack had been premeditated, but
thought that some sudden quarrel had arisen, and his
boat's crew had been incautious. He had found the
natives friendly during his stay, and both he and Cook
at their previous visit had several times been at the
place where the massacre occurred, and had seen nothing
but some deserted huts.

On his next voyage Cook obtained from the natives
their account of what happened, which was as follows :
The boat's crew was at dinner, having gathered a large
quantity of wild celery, when some of the natives
attempted to steal some bread and fish from them,
and one was caught trying to steal something from

XIV.] FURNEAUX RESUMES HIS VOYAGE 321

the boat, which had been left in charge of the captain's
black servant. The thieves were given a thrashing,
and a quarrel arose, during which two muskets were
discharged and two natives shot, but whether purposely
or not the informants could not say. The Maoris then
closed in on the party and killed them all immediately.
Mr Forster blames Mr Rowe for the whole affair. He
says he was always anxious to try his hand at shooting
a man, and that being in charge of the boat he had
evidently taken advantage of his opportunity. The
probability is that the New Zealander's story is nearer
the truth than Mr Forster 's surmise. The Yorkshire
Gazette of 4th June 1887 contains a note to the effect
that it had been stated that the son of a gentleman of
Hull, who was a midshipman with Furneaux on the
Adventure^ had escaped the massacre, and after many
wanderings had at length reached England in the year
1777. If this highly improbable story is true, it must
have been Mr Woodhouse, whose shoes were found and
identified, for he was the only midshipman in the boat
with Mr Rowe.

On 23rd December Furneaux sailed from Queen
Charlotte's Sound, but owing to contrary winds was
unable to get away from the coast for some days. He
then stood to the south-east till he reached 56° south
latitude, when the weather turning very cold and the
sea continually breaking over the ship, he thought it
advisable to steer for Cape Horn, reaching the high
latitude of 61° south with a favourable wind. As
his stores were now running low, particularly pease
and flour, he next made for the Cape of Good Hope,
endeavouring on his way to find Cape Circumcision.
Nothing, however, could be seen in the position given,
but ice in such quantities as to make navigation very
dangerous, and he came to the same conclusion as Cook
had done, that either it was a very small piece of land,

X

322 I774-I77S— SECOND VOYAGE [chap. xiv.

or else was non-existent, and M. Bouvet had mistaken
ice for land.

On 19th March he anchored in Table Bay, refitted,
and sailing on i6th April for England ; he anchored
at Spithead on 14th July 1774.

Mr Forster says that this voyage to the South Pacific
cost the sum of ;^25,ooo, but he omits the source of his
information.

CHAPTER XV

1 775-1 776 — ENGLAND

After his return home Cook's time was very fully
occupied in preparing his charts and Journal with a
view to their publication, which had been sanctioned
by the Lords of the Admiralty. At first he suffered con-
siderable annoyance from the conduct of Mr Forster,
who, immediately on his return, complained that the
sum of ;£'4,ooo, which had been granted to him to
cover the whole of his expenses for the voyage, was
inadequate, as they had been so much greater than he
had expected. It seems that he had not been judicious
in his purchases of curiosities from the natives of the
different islands at which they had touched ; in fact,
Mr Wales says this was very soon noticed by the
sailors, and it became a common occurrence for one
of the crew to buy something for a mere trifle, and
then to resell it to Mr Forster at a very considerable
advance. He also engaged Mr Sparrman, at the Cape
of Good Hope, at a considerable expense, to do the
work which he himself undertook to do. He claimed
that Lord Sandwich had promised, verbally, that he
was to have the exclusive duty of writing the History
of the Voyage, was to receive the whole of the profits
thereof, and to be provided with permanent employment
for the remainder of his life.

This last was totally denied by Lord Sandwich, and
certainly does not appear to be a very reasonable
arrangement for the Lords of the Admiralty to make.

323

324 1775-^776 — ENGLAND [chap.

After a protracted discussion, a compromise was agreed
on, by which Cook was to write the portions relating
to the voyage itself, together with his own observations
on the events and the countries visited ; whilst Mr
Forster was to write a second volume, to contain his
observations as a scientist. The Admiralty was to pay
the expenses of preparing the engravings of charts,
pictures, etc., and, on completion, the plates were to
be divided equally between Cook and Forster. Cook
was to proceed with his share of the work at once,
and submit it to Forster for revision, and the latter was
to draw up a plan of the method on which he intended
to work, and forward it to Lord Sandwich for approval.

Cook proceeded to carry out his portion of the work,
and furnished Forster with a large amount of manuscript,
but the latter proved so difficult to deal with, and so
obstinate in trying to have everything his own way,
that, after he had submitted two schemes, both of an
unsatisfactory nature. Lord Sandwich, in whose hands
the matter had been left for settlement, forbade him to
write at all, and it was decided that Cook should
complete the work, and it should then be edited by
the Rev. John Douglas, Canon of Windsor and after-
wards Bishop of Carlisle.

Notwithstanding that he had been forbidden to write,
Forster published an account of the voyage under his
son's name, and the latter claims that he had started
on the voyage with the intention of writing on the
subject, and had taken copious notes with that purpose.
In his Preface he says he wrote every word himself,
unassisted by any one, except that he had the use of
his father's notes. He, however, does not remember
to say that a large quantity of Cook's manuscript had
been in his father's possession, and he does not explain
how it is that much of his book corresponds with
curious exactitude with that of Cook (in many cases
word for word), and how, when the papers of Cook

XV.] WALES V, FORSTER 325

failed to provide him with further facts, he had to
rely on would - be philosophical dissertations, which
it is to be hoped were not obtained from his father's
note-book. In short, the book appears to have been
compiled by one person from Cook's work, and finished
by a second endowed with a facile pen and a smattering
of semi-scientific knowledge. Young Forster says that
the appointment was given to his father owing to a
piece of pique, and a spirit of revenge on the part
of Lord Sandwich, and that the order forbidding him
to write about the voyage was made because the father
had refused to give Miss Ray, Lord Sandwich's
mistress, some of the birds which he had brought home
from the Cape of Good Hope to present to the Queen,
and which Miss Ray had seen on board in the Thames,
when she visited the ship with Lord Sandwich.

In the end the Forsters managed to forestall Cook's
publication by about six weeks, and as this was after
Cook's departure from England on his last voyage, Mr
Wales took up the cudgels to defend the absent from
the gratuitous sneers dealt out all round by the writers ;
and though he somewhat weakens his case by loss of
temper, and shows a less facile pen than his opponents,
he manages to give them a Roland for their Oliver.
The Forsters infer that Cook is unreliable because he
suppresses any mention of the bombardment of the
Loo fort at Madeira, an event which never happened,
and because he places the town of Valparaiso, where
he had never been, in the position in which it was on
the chart supplied to him by the Admiralty, which
proved to be some 10° out. The Master who had
declined to give up his cabin was, of course, never
forgiven, and as for poor Mr Wales, who had been
selected by the Royal Society to take observations of
the Transit of Venus in Hudson's Bay in 1769, he
was a man who had neither knowledge nor experience
in astronomical observation. The crews of the two

326 1775-1776— ENGLAND [chap.

ships too, carefully selected men though they were,
many of whom had been out with Cook the previous
voyage, were morally and physically bad, and utterly
incapable of performing their duty in a proper and
seamanlike manner. Some little allowance may, how-
ever, be made for the Forsters, as they were both men
totally unaccustomed to sea-life ; the father suffered
severely with rheumatism, and the son was of a
scorbutic tendency, and they doubtless felt the hard-
ships inseparable from a voyage of discovery of such
length, to a far greater extent than those who were
in a measure inured to a sea-life.

Whilst the Journal was being prepared for the press,
an announcement appeared that an account of the
voyage was to be published by F. Newbery from the
notes of one who had been on the Resolution^ so Cook
set Anderson, the gunner, to find out the author.
With little difficulty he was ascertained to be Marra,
the gunner's mate, who tried to desert at Otaheite,
and the publication was stayed till after the authorised
version was given to the public.

A considerable amount of correspondence took place
between Dr Douglas and Cook, most of the letters
written by the latter being preserved in the British
Museum, and a few of them are given here, as they
help to throw a little light on the character of the man,
and also refer to the final settlement with Mr Forster.

"Mile End,
" Thursday^ 4th January 1776.

**Dear Sir, — I have received your obliging favour,
and am very sorry it is not in my power to accept of
your kind invitation to Windsor. For some time past
I have been looking out for a ship to accompany the
Resolution on her intended voyage ; I expect one will be
purchased to-morrow, but then I shall have to attend to
the alterations, which will be necessary to be made in
her. These things have retarded the copying of my

XV.] LETTERS TO DR DOUGLAS 327

Journal ; five books are done, which I shall send you by
the machine to-morrow, and if you please, you may
return those you have gone through by the same convey-
ance. I leave it entirely to you to make such alterations
as you see necessary, and even to strike out any part or
passage which you may think superfluous. By such
time as you come to town, I hope to have the whole
ready to put into your hands. I am, with great esteem,
dear Sir, your obliged, humble servant.

** James Cook."

"Mile End,
^^ lotk January 1776.

** Dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 7th,
and also the Box with its contents. I have not had
time to look over the corrections which you have made,
but have not the least doubt but they were necessary
and that I shall be perfectly satisfied with them.

*'The remarks you have made on Bits of loose paper
I find are very just. With respect to the amours of my
people at Otaheite and other places, I think it will not
be necessary to mention them at all, unless it be by
way of throwing a light on the Characters or Customs
of the People we are then among, and even then I would
have it done in such a manner as might be unexception-
able to the nicest readers. In short, my desire is that
nothing indecent may appear in the whole book, and
you cannot oblige me more than by pointing out what-
ever may appear to you as such. I am, dear Sir, your
obliged, humble servant,

** James Cook."

"Mile End,
^^ Friday morning, %th March 1776.

** Dear Sir, — I beg your acceptance of 3 Dozen Pints
of Constantia Wine, White and Red, and \ a Dozen of
a different sort which is pale coloured. I will not
answer for their being packed in such a manner as to
go safe to Windsor, tho' I think they will. You will
herewith, receive five books more of my manuscript,
having kept the remaining three as they want some
alteration. — I am, dear Sir, your most obliged and
most humble serv^- James Cook."

328 1775-1776— ENGLAND [chap.

On 26th April he informs Dr Douglas that he had
a conversation with Mr Strahan, who had been selected
as publisher, and that he had promised to give ^^The
Journal " every assistance in his power, and that Captain
Campbell, F.R.S., would revise the nautical portions,
and Sir Hugh Palliser would render what assistance

he could.

"Mile End,
" Sunday morning {probably Zth May).

^^Dear Sir, — Last night I was favoured with your
agreeable letter, and have sent my servant for the Books
as you desired. I am sorry Captain Furneaux's Journal
has given you so much trouble. I am in some measure
in fault for not looking over the copy before it was put
into your hands. If it is equally convenient to you I
should be glad to put off waiting upon you till next
Saturday, when I will bring the whole manuscript with
me, to let you see how I have divided it into Books and
Chapters. By that time I may have the introduction
ready for you to look over. I may also know my Lord
Sandwich's opinion on Mr Forster's work, a part of
which, I am told by my friend Dr Shepherd, is in his
Lordship's hands. These and some other reasons make
me wish to put off our meeting till that day. On your
return to Windsor you will find a letter from me request-
ing your permission to allow me to send you a little
Madeira wine, and to know whether you would have it
sent to Windsor or Half Moon Street. Without waiting
for your answer, shall take the liberty to send it to the
latter place to-morrow if the man who has it in charge
is but in the way. Your acceptance of it will add to
the many obligations conferred on, dear Sir, your very
obliged and most humble serv^- James Cook."

^^ P.S, — This wine is part of a cask that was round in
the Resolution, It does not turn out so good as I had a
right to expect, but the Cooper tells me it will mend in
the bottles. I have not tasted it since it was fined and
bottled."

"Mile End,
"iiM June 1776.

**Dear Sir, — Yesterday Mr Strahan and I went to
the Admiralty in order to meet Mr Forster to settle

XV.] FAILURE TO AGREE WITH FORSTER 329

about the Publication, but instead of finding him there,
I found a letter from him couched in the following terms.
That Lord Sandwich had thought proper to interpret
the Agreement between us in such a manner as he
thought did not agree with its purport, and as his
Lordship on that pretence had excluded him from all
participation of the Admiralty's assistance, our meeting
was thereby rendered unnecessary. I afterwards saw
Mr Barrington, who informed me that Mr Forster had
absolutely refused to make the least alteration in his
MS. What steps my Lord Sandwich will now take
I cannot say but I apprehend I shall have to publish
alone. I do not expect to see his Lordship till Thursday
Morning and perhaps the next day I may leave town,
unless I was sure of seeing you on Saturday or Sunday ;
in that case I would certainly wait a day or two at all
events. What Mr Forster intends to do I have not
heard, but I suppose he will publish as soon as possible,
and if so he will get the start of me. He has quite
deceived me ; I never thought he would have separated
himself from the Admiralty, but it cannot hurt me, and
I am only sorry my Lord Sandwich has taken so much
trouble to serve an undeserving man. — I am with great
esteem your most obliged humble servant,

** James Cook."

The remarks as to Mr Forster's conduct are unusually
strong for Cook, for as a rule it is difficult to find any-
thing, in either his Journals or the few letters that are
left, to the detriment of any one. He always appears to
have acted on the principle of saying nothing, unless it
could be good, about any one, and his next letter shows,
even with his experience of the man, that he was not
willing to allow him to throw away an opportunity of
reinstating himself with the Admiralty if any personal
trouble could effect it.

"Mile End,
'■'' idfth June 1776.

^'Dear Sir, — Last night I received your favour,
and as matters stand at present your meeting me in
Town can be of no use, nor did I wish it, only if

330 1775--1776— ENGLAND [chap.

business had called you up I meant to have waited for
you.

**I was with my Lord Sandwich yesterday morning
and found that he had not quite given up Dr Forster,
but I believe he will be obliged to do it at last. I had
some conversation with the Dr last night and used
all the arguments I was master of to persuade him to
submit to his Lordship but to no manner of purpose.
The Charts are all finished, but the other plates, I am
told, will not be done before Christmas. But if I am to
have the whole, the Admiralty, I know, will forward
them as much as possible. I have leave to remain in
Town till this matter is settled, and at the desire of Lord
Sandwich shall join Mr Stuart with Mr Strahan to
manage the publication, etc., of my book. It is now
with Sir Hugh Palliser and Capt. Campbell for them
to look over the nautical part. As soon as they have
done with it, it shall be put into Mr Strahan's hands.
My Lord Sandwich gave me a paper concerning Omai,
which I have tacked into its proper place in the 6th
Book. His Lordship desired that you might see it,
and also the Introduction ; this shall be sent you
to-morrow by the stage, and as to the other you can
at any time look over it at Mr Strahan's. I shall take
care to get a compleat a list of all the plates to leave
with the manuscript, and have already made notes where
the most of them are to be placed. I thank you for your
kind wishes and hope that neither you nor my other
worthy friends will be disappointed in their expecta-
tions of, Dear Sir, your very obliged and most humble

servant, ,,t ^ „

* *' James Cook."

**P.5. — I do not expect to leave Town till about the
middle of next week so that you may expect to hear
from me again.''

"Mile End,
^^2'^rdjune 1776.

** Dear Sir, — It is now settled that I am to publish
without Mr Forster, and I have taken my measures
accordingly. When Captain Campbell has looked over
the MS. it will be put into the hands of Mr Strahan
and Mr Stuart to be printed, and I shall hope for the

XV.] FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY 331

continuation of your assistance in correcting the press.
I know not how to recompense you for the trouble you
have had and will have in the work. I can only beg
you will accept of as many copies after it is published
as will serve yourself and friends, and I have given
directions for you to be furnished with them. When
you have done with the Introduction please send it to
Mr Strahan or bring it with you when you come to
Town, for there needs be no hurry about it. To-morrow
morning I set out to join my ship at the Nore, and with
her proceed to Plymouth, where my stay will be but
short. Permit me to assure you that I shall always
have a due sense of the favour you have done me, and
that I am with great esteem and regard, Dear Sir, your
obliged and very humble servant,

*^ James Cook.'*

This was the last letter received by Dr Douglas from
Cook, who did not see the result of their labours in
print as it was not published for some months after
his departure on his last voyage. Notwithstanding that
the Forsters had endeavoured to discount its success by
hurrying their work, and forestalling Cook by some
weeks, it was well received by the public, and Mrs
Cook reaped considerable benefit from its sale, as the
whole of the profits were handed over to her.

It would appear from the headings of these letters
that Cook never took up his residence at Greenwich
Hospital.

On 29th February 1776, Captain James Cook, R.N.,
was unanimously elected a Fellow of the Royal Society,
and his certificate of election was signed by no less than
twenty-six of the Fellows. He was formally admitted
on 7th March, on which date a paper written by him,
on the means he had used for the prevention and cure
of scurvy, was read. That he himself valued his
success in dealing with this disease, which, at that
time, even in voyages of moderate length, was the
most terrible danger that had to be encountered, is

332 1775-^76 — ENGLAND [chap.

plainly set forth in the following extract from the
Journal of the Resolution's first voyage.

^' But whatever may be the public judgment about
other matters, it is with real satisfaction, and without
claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty,
that I can conclude this account with an observation
which facts enable me to make, that our having dis-
covered the possibility of preserving health amongst a
numerous ship's company, for such a length of time, in
such varieties of climate and amidst such continued
hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remark-
able in the opinion of every benevolent person, when
the disputes about a Southern Continent shall have
ceased to engage the attention and to divide the
judgment of philosophers.''

During Cook's early days at sea it was no unusual
thing for a man-of-war to find herself short-handed
through the effects of scurvy after a cruise of only a
few weeks, and in a voyage across the Atlantic as many
as twenty per cent, of the crew are known to have
perished. To give a few examples that occurred under
Cook's own eyes: On 4th June 1756 H.M.S. Eagle
arrived in Plymouth Sound, and Captain Palliser
reported to the Admiralty that he had landed one
hundred and thirty sick men, out of a complement of
four hundred, and he had buried during the last month
as many as twenty-two, that since his arrival in port his
surgeon and four men had died, and both his surgeon's
mates were very ill. The ship had only been at sea for
two months cruising in the Channel and off the coast of
France.

When Admiral Boscawen was leaving Halifax for
the siege of Louisburg in 1758, several of his ships
had to remain behind on account of scurvy, and
amongst the number was H.M.S. Pembroke^ on board
of which Cook was then Master. She had lost twenty-
nine men out of four hundred in crossing the Atlantic,
and yet she was able to rejoin the fleet before any of

XV.] FIVE CASES OF SCURVY! 333

the others, as they had been in a worse plight. General
Wolfe, writing to Lord George Sackville from Louis-
burg, says : ** Some of the regiments of this army have
300 or 400 men eat up with scurvy."

Lord Colville, in a letter dated from H.M.S.
Northumberland^ Halifax, says that

** We have always been very well supplied with
frozen beef from Boston which keeps our seamen
healthy while they continue in port, but the scurvy
never fails to pull us down in great numbers upon our
going to sea in the spring."

With these experiences of his own, and the cases
that were continually happening to others, before him.
Cook appears to have made up his mind, as soon as
he got a separate command, that it should be his duty
to fight the dreaded scourge at every opportunity ; and
though it seems to be the popular idea that he first
really and successfully turned his attention to the
subject during the preparations for the second voyage,
yet a very cursory examination of the voyage taken
in the Endeavour reveals the fact that as far as the
scurvy was concerned he was most marvellously
successful. In proof of this, reference may be made
to a report on the health of the crew during the voyage,
made to the Admiralty by Mr Perry, surgeon's mate,
and, after Mr Monkhouse's death, surgeon on the
Endeavour, He states at the time they left Cape Horn
that the crew were '*as free from scurvy as on our
sailing from Plymouth," that is, after the expiration of
five months. He reports for the whole of the voyage
five cases of scurvy^ '* three in Port at New Holland,
and two while on the coast of New Zealand, not a
man more suffered any inconvenience from this dis-
temper." He himself was one of the five cases. This
must not be taken to mean that no others discovered
symptoms of scurvy, as that is far from the case, but

334 1775-1776— ENGLAND [chap.

it must be clearly understood that such a close watch was
kept and such treatment was immediately followed on
the earliest indications being perceived, that only these
five cases assumed sufficient gravity as to necessitate
their being placed on the official sick-list, and had it
not been for the most unfortunate attack of fever and
dysentery at Batavia, it is highly probable that the
marvellous health of the crew for the whole voyage
would have been publicly recognised.

Cook attributes, in a note made at Otaheite, the
health of his crew

**in a great measure to the Sour Kraute, Portable
Soup and Malt ; the two first were served to the people,
the one on Beef Days, and the other on Banyan Days.
Wort was made from the Malt and at the discretion
of the surgeon, given to every man that had the least
symptoms of scurvy upon him. By this means and the
Care and Vigilance of Mr Monkhouse, the surgeon,
this disease was prevented from getting a footing in the
ship."

Writing to Mr Stephens immediately after his
arrival at Batavia, Cook says : ** I have not lost one
man from sickness." He evidently means here, as he
does in other places in his Journal, that the word
** sickness" should be taken as synonymous with scurvy,
and he had at that time lost only seven men : two of Mr
Banks's servants from exposure to cold, three men
from drowning, one, Mr Buchan, from a fit, probably
apoplectic, and one from alcoholic poisoning. He
arrived at home with a total loss of forty-one, the
remaining thirty-four were the result of the Batavian
fever, though Tupia and his boy, who are included, were
most probably predisposed to the Batavian disease
through the total change in their diet, and indeed it is
stated that they suffered from the want of their customary
vegetables and fruits. A loss of forty per cent, in a
voyage of three years would compare favourably with

XV.] MR PERRY'S REPORT 335

any returns received by the Lords of the Admiralty at
a time when it would have hardly surprised them to
have recorded the same rate in as many months, but
when it is taken into consideration that not one of these
deaths was from scurvy, Cook may surely be justified
if he had claimed that he had at last broken the back of
the scurvy fiend ; but, apparently disappointed by the
serious loss he had incurred from fever and dysentery,
he was contented to rest his claims on the equally
marvellous success he had on his second voyage, when
he carried out practically the same treatment with an
equally satisfactory result, namely, that he did not
lose a single man from scurvy in a voyage of three years
and eighteen days.

Of the anti-scorbutics used on the Endeavour ^ Mr
Perry enumerates the following as the most important :

**Sour Kraut, Mustard, Vinegar, Wheat (whole),
Inspissated Orange and Lemon juice, Saloup, Portable
Soup, Sugar, Molasses, Vegetables (at all times when
they could possibly be got), were some in constant,
others in occasional, use."

Saloup was a decoction made either from the roots of
Orchis mascula, a common meadow plant, or else from
Sassafras y and was at one time sold in the streets as
a drink, before the introduction of tea and coffee. Mr
Perry continues :

**Cold bathing was encouraged and enforced by
example. The allowance of Salt Beef and Pork was
abridged from nearly the beginning of the voyage, and
the usual custom of the sailors mixing the Salt Beef fat
with the flour was strictly forbidden. Salt Butter and
Cheese was stopped on leaving England, and through-
out the voyage Raisins were issued in place of the Salt
Suet : in addition to the Malt, wild Celery was collected
in Terra del Fuego, and, every morning, breakfast
was made from this herb, ground wheat, and port-
able soup,"

336 1 775-1 776— ENGLAND [chap.

There is in the United Service Museum, a cake of
this identical portable soup, in appearance like a square
of ^* whitish glue, which in effect it is," says Sir John
Pringle, P.R.S.

With regard to the personal cleanliness of the crews,
which Cook looked upon as a matter of the first import-
ance, Marra, writing of the Resolution's voyage, said he
was very particular,

''never suffering any to appear dirty before him, in
so much that when other Commanders came on board,
they could not help declaring they thought every day
Sunday on board of Cap*- Cook."

He inspected the men at least once a week, and saw
with his own eyes that they had changed their clothing,
and were dry. The bedding was carefully dried and
aired whenever occasion offered, and the whole ship was
thoroughly stove dried, as advised by Palliser and
Campbell ; special attention being paid to the well, into
which a fire contained in an iron pot was lowered.

Fresh water was obtained whenever it was possible,
for Cook lays down that *' nothing contributes more to
the health of seamen than having plenty of water." He
was provided with a condenser, but it was unsatisfactory,
only producing a very small quantity, and he looked
upon it as **a useful invention, but only calculated to
provide enough to preserve life without health." He
attributes the losses on the Adventure chiefly to Captain
Furneaux, in his desire to save what he considered
unnecessary labour, neglecting to avail himself of every
opportunity of obtaining fresh water. Cook throughout
the voyage was never short of water, but Furneaux was
on two or three occasions.

A Dr M 'Bride recommended to the Admiralty the
use of fresh wort made from malt as an anti-scorbutic, and
the Endeavour was supplied with a quantity of malt and
ordered to give it a thorough trial. The method in

XV.] FRESH WORT AND SOUR KRAUTE 337

which it was to be used was : the malt was to be freshly
ground every day and three quarts of boiling water was
to be poured on to one quart of malt and then covered
up and allowed to stand for three or four hours. The
liquid was then to be well strained and boiled with
biscuit or dried fruit, such as can be obtained on board
ship, into a *^ panada." The person showing symptoms
of scurvy was to have at least two meals a day of this
** panada," and to drink a quart or more of the fresh
infusion, as it might agree with him, every twenty-four
hours. This wort, thus taken, was favourably reported
on, but at the same time it is remarked that so many
precautions were taken in addition, that it was not
possible to say which was the most successful.

Mr Banks, who was threatened with scurvy, took the
wort regularly for some time, but feeling a slight
inflammation in the throat, he substituted as his evening
drink a weak punch made from lemon juice, to which
one-fifth part of brandy had been added as a preservative,
and found, he says, this treatment perfectly satisfactory.
In February 1770 the malt had lost much of its strength,
and the surgeon could make but little use of it, although
it was quite dry and sweet. As there was still a large
quantity left, Cook ordered

** as strong a wort to be made as was possible, and in it
boiled ground wheat for the people's breakfast, it made
a very pleasant mess, which the people were very fond
of. It took, to make 22 or 24 gallons of wort, from 4 to
7 gallons of malt, according as the casks turned out
good or bad. We continued this method as long as we
had any left, and had great reason to think that the
people received much benefit from it."

With regard to the *^Sour Kraute," oni which Cook
set great store, he says :

^'The men at first would not eat it, until I put it in
practice — a method I never once knew to fail with

Y

338 1 775-1 776— ENGLAND [chap.

seamen — and this was to have some of it dressed every
day for the Cabin Table, and permitted all the officers,
without exception, to make use of it, and left it to the
option of the men either to take as much as they pleased,
or none at all ; but this practice was not continued
above a week before I found necessary to put every
one on board to an allowance, for such are the Tempers
and Disposition of seamen in general, that whatever you
give them out of the common way, although it be ever
so much for their good, it will not go down, and you
will hear nothing but murmurings against the man that
first invented it, but the moment they see their superiors
set a value upon it, it becomes the finest stuff in the
world, and the inventor is an honest fellow."

His paper read before the Royal Society says :

"Sour Kraute, of which we had a large quantity, is
not only a wholesome vegetable food, but, in my
judgement, highly anti-scorbutic, and it spoils not by
keeping. A pound of this was served to each man,
when at sea, twice a week, or oftener if thought
necessary."

Proceeding to enumerate the articles which were
found most useful as anti-scorbutic on board the
Resolution^ he says :

" Portable broth was another great article of which we
had a large supply. An ounce of this to each man, or
such other proportion as circumstances pointed out, was
boiled in their pease, three days a week ; and when we
were in places where vegetables were to be got, it was
boiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal every morning
for breakfast ; and also with pease and vegetables for
dinner. It enabled us to make several nourishing and
wholesome messes, and was the means of making the
people eat a greater quantity of vegetables than they
would otherwise have done."

**Rob of Lemon and Orange is an anti-scorbutic we
were not without. The surgeon made use of it in many
cases with great success." Yet Cook does not seem to

XV.] PAPER READ BEFORE THE ROYAL SOCIETY 339

have found it so valuable as Furneaux did when so many
of his crew were ill between New Zealand and Otaheite,
for writing to Sir John Pringle from Plymouth, when
leaving on his last voyage, he says :

** I entirely agree with you that the dearness of the
Rob of Lemons and Oranges will hinder them from
being furnished in large quantities. But I do not
think this necessary ; for, though they may assist other
things, I have no great opinion of them alone. Nor
have I a higher opinion of vinegar. My people had it
very sparingly during the late voyage, and towards the
latter part, none at all ; and yet we experienced no ill
effect from the want of it. The custom of washing the
inside of the ship with vinegar, I seldom observed :
thinking that fire and smoke answered the purpose much
better."

The Royal Society Paper continues :

** Amongst the articles of victualling, we were supplied
with sugar in the room of oil, and with wheat for a part
of our oatmeal ; and were certainly gainers by the
exchange. Sugar, I apprehend, is a very good anti-
scorbutic : whereas, oil (such as the navy is usually
supplied with) I am of opinion has the contrary effect."

Speaking of the wort made from the malt Cook
says:

"To such of the men as showed the least symptoms
of scurvy and also to such as were thought to be
threatened with that disorder, this was given from one
to two or three pints a day each man ; or in such
proportion as the surgeon found necessary, which some-
times amounted to three quarts. This is, without doubt,
one of the best anti-scorbutic sea medicines yet dis-
covered ; and if used in time, will, with proper attention
to other things, I am persuaded, prevent the scurvy
from making any great progress for a considerable
while. But I am not altogether of opinion that it
will cure it at sea." (Mr Forster formed the opinion
that, if persevered with, it would cure scurvy.)

340 1 775-1776 — ENGLAND [chap.

**But the introduction of the most salutary articles,
either as provisions or medicines, will generally prove
unsuccessful, unless supported by certain regulations.
On this principle, many years' experience, together with
some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser, Captains
Campbell, Wallis, and other intelligent officers, enabled
me to lay a plan whereby all was to be governed. The
crew were at three watches, except upon some extra-
ordinary occasions. By this means they were not so
much exposed to the weather, as if they had been at
watch and watch ; and had generally dry clothes to shift
themselves, when they happened to get wet. Care was
also taken to expose them as little to wet weather as
possible. Proper methods were used to keep their
persons, hammocks, bedding, clothes, etc., constantly
clean and dry. Equal care was taken to keep the ship
clean and dry between decks. Once or twice a week
she was cured with fires ; and when this could not be
done, she was smoked with gunpowder mixed with
vinegar or water. I have used, frequently, a fire, made
in an iron pot at the bottom of the well, which was of
great use in purifying the air in the lower parts of
the ship. To this, and to cleanliness, as well in the
ship as amongst the people, too great attention cannot
be paid : the least neglect occasions a putrid and dis-
agreeable smell below, which nothing but fires will
remove.

** Proper attention was paid to the ship's coppers, so
that they were kept constantly clean.

' ' The fat which boiled out of the salt beef and pork, I
never suffered to be given to the people, being of
opinion that it promotes the scurvy.

'' I was careful to take in water whenever it was to be
got, even though we did not want it. Because I look
upon fresh water from the shore, to be more wholesome
than that which has been kept some time on board a
ship. Of this essential article we were never at an
allowance, but had always plenty for every necessary
purpose. Navigators in general cannot, indeed, expect
nor would they wish to meet with such advantages in
this respect, as fell to my lot. The nature of our
voyage carried us into very high latitudes. But the
hardships and dangers inseparable from that situation,
were in some degree compensated by the singular

XV.] COPLEY GOLD MEDALIST 341

felicity we enjoyed of extracting inexhaustible supplies
of fresh water from an ocean strewed thick with ice.

** We came to few places where either the art of man,
or the bounty of nature had not provided some sort of
refreshment or other, either in the animal or vegetable
way. It was my first care to procure whatever of any
kind could be met with, by every means in my power,
and to oblige our people to make use thereof, both by
my example and authority ; but the benefits arising
from refreshments of any kind soon became so obvious
that I had little occasion to recommend the one or exert
the other.*'

On 30th November 1776, Sir John Pringle, President
of the Royal Society, in his address to the Fellows,
announced that the Council had adjudged the Copley
Gold Medal for the best paper contributed during the
year, to Captain Cook, R.N., and in the course of his
speech produced corroborative information derived from
facts which had come under his personal observation,
and concluded with the following words :

^'If Rome decreed the Civic Crown to him who
saved the life of a single citizen, what wreaths are
due to that man, who, having himself saved many,
perpetuates in your Transactions the means by which
Britain may now, on the most distant voyages preserve
numbers of her intrepid sons, her mariners ; who,
braving every danger, have so liberally contributed to
the fame, to the opulence, and to the Maritime Empire
of this country."

Cook had been informed before leaving England on
his last voyage by Sir John Pringle that it had been
decided to award him the medal ; it never actually came
into his possession, but was presented to Mrs Cook after
his departure, and is now in the British Museum.

During May 1776 Cook found time to sit for his
portrait to Sir Nathaniel Dance, R.A. (afterwards Sir
Nathaniel Dance - Holland, Bart., M.P. for East
Grinstead), who was one of the leading portrait-painters

342

1775-^776— ENGLAND [chap.

of his day. Northcote says of him: '^He drew the
figures well, gave a strong likeness, and certain studied
air to all his portraits," and the portrait which now
hangs in the Painted Hall of Greenwich Hospital
conveys the impression that it was like the sitter.

Mr Samwell, who, from the length of time he was in
close contact with Cook on board ship, should be an
authority, says :

''It may not be amiss to observe that the plate
engraved by Sherwin, after a painting by Dance, is
a most excellent likeness of Captain Cook ; and more
to be valued, as it is the only one I have seen that bears
any resemblance to him.'*

Cook in this portrait is represented as seated at a
table on which is a chart, and is dressed in his Captain's
uniform. The tall figure, not over-burdened with flesh,
is in an easy position, the brown hair, unpowdered, is
neatly tied back from the face, the clear complexion
shows but little effect of long exposure to the sea
breezes, the eyes looking out from rather prominent
brows have an expression as if they could easily break
out into a smile, and the whole effect of the face is to
give a very pleasant impression of the man.

There are at least six other portraits in existence.
One, an engraving of which is in the British Museum,
was by an Italian artist, named Chisor, it represents
the full-length figure of a very tall man in uniform, and
is chiefly remarkable for the large G. R. embroidered
on the front of the breeches. A second is by W.
Hodges, who accompanied the Resolution on its first
voyage, and of whom Sir Joshua Reynolds says :
"He is a very intelligent and ingenious artist, and
produced, I think, the best landskips in the last
exhibition." An engraving of this portrait was pub-
lished with the History of the Voyage, and the Book
of Beauty style of eye with which the face has been

CAPTAIN COOK.

Frovi a pot trait in fi.e 3Tuseum, Whitby. Artist unknown. By permission oj the Council^

Whitby Literary and Philosophical Society.

\_Tofacep. 343.

1

XV.] COOK'S PORTRAITS 343

endowed gives an impression of a weakly sentimental
character, and completely destroys its value as a portrait.
There are three portraits by James Webber, R.A.,
who was on board the Resolution on the last voyage :
one, a half length, said to have been painted at the
Cape of Good Hope, probably on the return in 1780,
hangs in the National Portrait Gallery. It is very
lifeless and wooden in expression, and suggests the idea
of having been painted from memory or very rough
studies. Of the other two, one is at Trinity House,
Hull, and the other at Mr Bolckow's house, Marton
Hall. They are both full length, and, unfortunately,
have the same wooden-looking face as the first. Mr
Bolckow's picture is probably the one which at one
time hung in the Painted Hall at Greenwich, but was
afterwards, on the receipt of Dance's portrait, returned
to Mrs Cook in 1829. The size does not quite agree
with that of the first one at Greenwich, but is slightly
smaller, and shows signs of having been cut down.
A sixth picture is in the Whitby Museum, but the
name of the artist is unknown, and the National
Portrait Gallery has recently secured a portrait said
to have been specially painted for the Newfoundland
Government, 1767. It is not complimentary to the
sitter, and is unlike the other portraits.

Besant, who says that Webber's portrait is the best
extant — surely a slip of the pen — describes Cook's
personality in the following terms :

**He was, to begin with, over six feet high, thin
and spare ; his head was small ; his forehead was
broad ; his hair was of a dark brown, rolled back and
tied behind in the fashion of the time ; his nose was
long and straight ; his nostrils clear and finely cut ;
his cheek bones were high, a feature which illustrated
his Scotch descent ; his eyes were brown and small,
but well set, quick and piercing ; his eyebrows were
large and bushy, his chin was round and full ; his
mouth firmly set ; his face long. It was an austere

344 1775-1776— ENGLAND [chap.

face, but striking. One thinks, perhaps wrongly, that
without having been told whose face this is, in the
portrait, we might know it as the face of a man remark-
able for patience, resolution, perseverance and indomit-
able courage. It is a face worthy of the navigator.
Such was the appearance of the man ; tall, thin, grave,
even austere."

The few busts and statues that have been made were
executed long after his death, and have apparently been
founded on Dance's portrait. The medal struck in
honour of Cook to the order of the Royal Society, a
specimen of which is in the British Museum, was
designed by Lewis Pingo, and bears his signature
L. P. f.

At the time of the arrival of the Resolution in the
Thames on her return, it was evident that another
expedition was to be made to the South Seas, for the
orders were that she was to be dismantled no further
than was necessary to enable her to go into dock, and
she was then to be refitted for ** another voyage to
foreign parts." These orders were dated 17th August,
and on 8th August the London Chronicle had already
announced that

** Lieut. Clarke is appointed to the command of the
Resolution^ which ship is to be fitted for sea, and to
proceed again to prosecute their discoveries, and make
a setdement on a large island in the South Sea, and to
carry back Omai to Otaheite, which in the last voyage,
they made their general rendezvous."

Omai was a native of Otaheite, whom Captain
Furneaux had brought home in the Adventure, He was
received by the king, and made much of in Society,
when he appears to have conducted himself fairly well.
His portrait was painted by Sir J. Reynolds, Sir N.
Dance, and Mr W. Hodges, and on leaving England
on his return, received many useful and some valuable
presents.

XV.] COOK DECIDES ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 345

When this further expedition was decided on there
was some considerable difficulty as to who was to
be given the command, for it was felt that although
Cook was universally considered to be most fitted for
the position, yet, by his previous services he had
thoroughly earned a right to the enjoyment of his
position as Captain of Greenwich Hospital, and the
Lords of the Admiralty did not think that they would
be justified in ordering him on another lengthened
voyage after such a short interval. That he was con-
sulted about the preparations is certain, for in a letter
to Dr Douglas, already quoted, he says :

**For some time past I have been looking out for
a ship to accompany the Resolution on her intended
voyage; I expect one will be purchased tomorrow,"
(January 5th 1776) *'but then I shall have to attend to
the alterations which will be necessary to be made in
her."

Early in February 1776 he was invited to dine with
Lord Sandwich, to meet Sir Hugh Palliser and Mr
Stephens, when the subject of the proposed expedition
was thoroughly discussed and the difficulty of finding
a fitting commander was brought forward. After some
conversation, it is^ stated. Cook jumped up and declared
that he would g(j), and as the result of this resolve he
called at the Admiralty Office on loth February and
wrote the following :

*' Sir, — Having understood that their Lordships have
ordered two ships to be fitted out for the purpose of
making further discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, I take
the liberty, as their Lordships when they were pleased
to appoint me a Captain in Greenwich Hospital were at
the same time pleased also to say it should not be in
prejudice to any future offer which I might make of my
service, to submit myself to their directions if they think
fit to appoint me to the Command on the said intended
voyage ; relying, if they condescend to accept this offer.

346 1775-^776— ENGLAND [chap.

they will on my return either restore me to my appoint-
ment in the Hospital or procure for me such other mark
of the Royal Favour as their Lordships, upon the review
of my past services shall think me deserving of.— I am,
Sir, your most humble servant,

^^ James Cook."

**To George Jackson, Esq."

The reply to this application was immediate.

" lotA February 1776.

<<SiR, — Having read to my Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty your Letter of this day, wherein you
make an offer of your service to command the ship
which their Lordships have appointed to proceed on
further Discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, relying, if
they are pleased to accept your said offer, that you
shall upon your return be restored to your appointment
in Greenwich Hospital or have such other mark of the
Royal Favour as their Lordships shall think you
deserving of. In return I am directed by their Lord-
ships to acquaint you that they have appointed you
to the Resolution which is intended to be employed as
aforementioned and that they will on your return from
the Voyage reappoint you to the Hospital ; or, if that
cannot with propriety be effected, they will recommend
you to His Majesty for some other mark of his Royal
Favour. — I am, etc., etc.,

^'George Jackson, D.S."

**Captn' Cook, Greenwich Hospital."

That same day Cook proceeded to Deptford, where
the Resolution was being refitted at a cost of ;^2,655,
hoisted his pendant, and at once began to enter men.
The complement was to be the same as last voyage —
one hundred and twelve men, including twenty marines.
The ''Quarter Bill," preserved in the Records Office,
shows the stations and duties of each of the crew, and
in case of necessity the positions of the civilians, who
were expected to take their places as small arms men.

XV.] THE DISCOVERY PURCHASED 347

The Discovery had been purchased into the Navy,
to act as consort to the Resolution at a cost of ;^2,45o,
from Mr W. Herbert of Scarborough. She was built
by Messrs Langborne of Whitby in 1774, and was,
according to the Admiralty Records, of 229 tons
burthen ; but Cook gives her as 300 tons. Mr James
Burney says that the two ships were splendid company
as regards their sailing qualities, but he thinks any
advantage there was lay with the Discovery, The
command of this ship was given to Mr Charles
Clerke, Master's Mate and then Third Lieutenant on
the Endeavour^ and Second Lieutenant in the previous
voyage of the Resolution,

As soon as affairs were definitely arranged Cook

wrote to inform Mr Walker.

"Mile End,
" 14M February 1776.

**Dear Sir, — I should have answered your last
favour sooner but waited to know whether I should
go to Greenwich Hospital or the South Sea. The
latter is now fixed upon. I expect to be ready to sail
about the latter end of April with my old ship, the
Resolution^ and the Discovery^ the ship lately purchased
of Mr Herbert. I know not what your opinion may be
on this step I have taken. It is certain I have quitted
an easy retirement for an active, perhaps dangerous
voyage. My present disposition is more favourable to
the latter than the former, and I embark on as fair a
prospect as I can wish. If I am fortunate enough to
get safe home, there is no doubt but it will be greatly
to my advantage.

" My best respects to all your family, and if any of
them come this way I shall be glad to see them at
Mile End where they will meet with a hearty welcome
from. Dear Sir, your most sincere friend and humble
servant, James Cook."

The next entry in the Journal is dated

^* loth March, Sunday: The Resolution was hauled
out of Dock into the River where we compleated her

348 1775-1776— ENGLAND [chap.

Rigging and took on board the necessary Stores and
Provisions for the Voyage which was as much as we
could stow and the best of every kind that could be got."

On 6th May the pilot went on board to take her
down to Longreach, where she was to ship her guns,
powder, and other ordnance stores ; but the wind was
so contrary that they did not reach there till the 30th
of the month.

** Saturday, 8th June: The Earl of Sandwich, Sir
Hugh Palliser and others of the Board of Admiralty
paid us the last mark of the extraordinary attention they
had all along paid to this equipment, by coming on
board to see that everything was compleated to their
desire and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark
in the voyage. They and several other noblemen and
gentlemen honoured me with their Company at dinner
and were saluted with 17 guns and 3 cheers at their
coming on board and also on going ashore."

On loth June they received on board a bull, two
cows with their calves, and some sheep, and a plentiful
supply of hay and corn for their food, being a present
from King George to the people of Otaheite in hopes
that they would form the start of stock for that island.
A good supply of ^* trade" was also shipped, such as
previous experience had taught would be acceptable,
and the Admiralty provided an additional supply of
warm clothing suitable for the cold climates that would
have to be encountered,

**and nothing was wanting that was thought conducive
to either conveniency or health, such was the extra-
ordinary care taken by those at the head of the Naval
Departments."

The duty of taking and recording the astronomical
observations, instead of being in the hands of a specially
appointed official, was left entirely in the hands of Cook

'"T^^S^^

^

P 5

O

f< i

o ^
o -^

CHRONOMETER USED ON THE RESOLUTION, AND AFTERWARDS

OX THE BOUNTY.

Now in the Museum of the United Service Institute.

XV.] '«THE WATCH MACHINES

349

and King on the Resolution^ and they were provided by
the Board of Longitude with a carefully selected supply
of such instruments as were required, including the
same ** watch machine that was out with me last
voyage." This instrument, made by Kendal from
Harrison's design, had given full satisfaction whilst
in charge of Mr Wales, and had greatly assisted in
procuring for Harrison the Government reward of
;^ 10,000 for a reliable timekeeper. After the termina-
tion of this voyage of the Resolution^ it was given into
the charge of Bligh of the Bounty. After the mutiny
it was sold by Adams to an American named Mayo
Fletcher in 1808, who again sold it in Chili. It was
purchased by Captain, afterwards Admiral Sir Thomas,
Herbert for the sum oi £,^2^ los., was repaired and rated
at Valparaiso, taken to China, and then, after having
kept a fair rate for about three years, was brought to
England in 1843, and is now in the United Service
Museum. It is stated in the log of the American ship
Topaz^ of Boston ; Folgar, Master, that one of the
mutineers of the Bounty^ named ** Smith, gave to Captain
Folgar a chronometer made by Kendal, which was
taken from him by the Governor of Juan Fernandez."
This is probably a confusion of names, and Fletcher
has been inadvertently substituted for Folgar. Abiah
Folgar, of Boston, was the mother of Benjamin
Franklin.

Mr Bailey, who had been in charge of the observa-
tions on board the Adventure during the last voyage, was
again appointed to the same position on the Discovery^
and was duly supplied with all necessary instruments by
the Board of Longitude.

On 15th June the two ships sailed in company to
the Nore, where the Resolution remained awaiting her
Captain, whilst the Discovery^ under the command of
her First Lieutenant, Mr James Burney, went on to
Plymouth. An anonymous writer of a journal of the

35© i775-i77<5— ENGLAND [chap, xv

voyage, published by Newbery in 1781, who was on
board the Discovery^ says that his ship, after parting with
the Resolution^ met with very bad weather on the i8th,
and having been damaged had to put ipto Portland.
She then went on to Plymouth to be thoroughly
repaired, where she was much delayed as the dockyard
carpenters were very fully occupied with the fleet and
transports that were about to sail for America under
Admiral Amherst.

Captain Gierke of the Discovery was detained in
London owing to his having become financially re-
sponsible for a friend who left him in the lurch, and
he had been obliged to take refuge within the Liberties
of the Fleet prison. He, in a letter to Sir Joseph Banks,
with whom he was on very friendly terms, says : **The
Jews are exasperated and determined to spare no pains
to arrest me if they could once catch me out of the rules
of the Bench." It would appear that it was during this
time that Gierke contracted the illness which eventually
resulted in his death.

CHAPTER XVI

1 776- 1 777 — THIRD VOYAGE

On 24th June Cook joined his ship at the Nore, accom-
panied by Omai, and the following day left for Plymouth
at noon, calling in at the Downs for two boats which had
been specially built at Deal for the ship. They arrived
at Plymouth on the 30th, finding the Discovery had only
preceded them by three days. The provisions which
had been consumed were replaced, a supply of port wine
was taken on board, and Cook was careful that each day
of their stay the crew were supplied with fresh meat.

On 8th July the final orders were received by express
from London, but as Cook had assisted to draw them up
they were not new to him. The object of the voyage
was to find out a Northern Passage by sea from the
Pacific to the Atlantic. He was to proceed by the Cape
of Good Hope, calling at Madeira, Cape de Verde, or the
Canaries as he thought fit, and leaving the Cape at the
end of October or the beginning of November, to sail
south to try and discover some islands said to have been
seen by the French in latitude 48° and about the meridian
of Mauritius. He was not to spend much time over this
search but, touching at New Zealand if he thought
proper, to proceed with Omai to either Otaheite or the
Society Islands as the latter might wish, and there
leave him and his property. Leaving here about the
beginning of February he was to proceed at once to the
North American coast in about latitude 45°, and on no
account, unless compelled by stress of weather or some

351

352 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

unforeseen circumstance, to touch at any of the Spanish
dominions, but if so compelled he was to remain as short
a time as possible and to carefully avoid giving offence
to any of his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and not to
disturb any Europeans he might find anywhere on the
coast. On arrival at New Albion he was to put into the
first convenient port and refresh, and then to proceed
north along the coast as far as 65°, or further if un-
obstructed by land or ice. He was then to search for
and explore any rivers or inlets that seemed likely to lead
to Hudson's or Baffin's Bays, and if he should receive
information from any of the natives that such a passage
did exist, he was to endeavour, either with his ships or
the smaller vessels they carried for that purpose, to effect
the passage, or should any other method appear more
likely to be successful it was left to Cook's discretion to
adopt it. If he was satisfied that there was no passage
to be found he was to repair to the Port of St Peter and
St Paul in Kamtschatka or any other suitable place and
there winter. In the spring another effort was to be
made to find a passage either to the east or west, and
then the ships were to return to England. Any
countries not previously visited by Europeans were to
be taken possession of in the name of the king, with the
consent of the inhabitants, if any, and proper marks and
inscriptions recording the fact were to be erected.

A reward of ;^20,ooo had been offered to any British
merchant ship that discovered a passage between
Hudson's Bay and the Pacific, and now this offer was
thrown open to any ship flying the British flag, whether
Royal or Mercantile, and the passage might be either
east or west so long as it was north of latitude 52° N.
Lieutenant Pickersgill of the Lion Brig was ordered on
14th May 1776 to seize any American whalers he found
in Davis Straits, and then thoroughly to explore Baffin's
Bay with a view of obtaining information as to the
existence of any passage into the Pacific, and perhaps

XVI.] THE RESOLUTION SAILS 353

being enabled to join hands with Cook. However this
work was not properly carried out, and Mr Pickersgill
was court-martialled in February 1777, dismissed his ship
for drunkenness, and Lieutenant Young was appointed
in his place.

On 9th July the marines, a picked body of men care-
fully selected by Colonel Bell for the voyage, were
shipped. Lieutenant Molesworth Phillips in command,
and on the following day the officers and men were paid
up to 30th June, and the petty officers and seamen were
in addition, given a further two months' advance.

Whilst detained in Plymouth, Cook wrote to Banks
about some plants that were to be engraved for his book,
and goes on to say :

** On my arrival here, I gave Omai three guineas
which sent him on shore in high spirits ; indeed he
could hardly be otherwise for he is much caressed here
by every person of note, and upon the whole I think he
rejoices at the prospect of going home. I only wait for
a wind to put to sea. Unless C. Clerke makes good
haste down he will have to follow me. Sir J"o- Pringle
writes me that the Council of the Royal Society have
decreed me the prize medal of this year. I am obliged
to you and my other good friends for this unmerited
honour. Omai joins his best respects to you and Dr
Solander."

The Journal published by Newbery states that those
of the crew who had been with Cook on the previous
voyage, looked upon 12th July, the anniversary of the
day on which they had sailed, as a lucky day, and so
though the wind was not favourable, and Captain Clerke
had not yet arrived, he yielded to the desire and weighed
anchor, leaving the Discovery to follow.

As the stock of fodder did not appear sufficient to
last the animals to the Cape, the ship put into Teneriffe
on I St August for a further supply, and was most
courteously received by the Governor, and fresh meat,

z

354 I776-I777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

fruit, and vegetables were procured at a moderate cost.
As usual fresh water was also obtained, but the supply
was rather small owing to the wooden conduits being
under repair at the time. Wine was also purchased,
and Cook did not think it so good as that obtained at
Madeira, but he adds, ^' the best Teneriffe wine was sold
for ;^i2 a pipe, whereas the best Madeira is seldom
under £2^,"

They here met '* Captain Baurdat" (the Chevalier
de Borda) who was engaged with a Spanish gentleman,
named Varila, in making observations for the purpose
of timing two ** watch machines," and was afforded
the opportunity of comparing them with their own.

Weighing anchor on the 4th August they were off
the Island of Bonavista on the loth, where believing
themselves well clear, they hauled to the eastward to
avoid some sunken rocks that lie off the south-east point,
but found they had not room enough, and Cook says,
**for a few minutes the situation was very alarming,"
but they eventually got clear. On the i6th they looked
into Port Praya in hopes of finding the Discovery there,
but being disappointed stood away southward. The day
after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands they lost the
north-east trades and did not pick up the south-east
trades till the 30th when about 2° N., and during this
time they experienced frequent rains, managing to
secure enough water to fill up all their spare casks. At
the same time Cook did not forget the danger of
exposure to the damp and sultry weather, and was
accordingly very particular as to the *^ drying of cloathes,
airing the ship by fires and smoke " at every opportunity,
with the satisfactory result that ^^we had practically no
sick." The ship was found to be very leaky in her
upper works as the great heat had opened up her seams,
which had been badly caulked at first. In fact '^ there
was hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed ; the
officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their

XVI. j ARRIVAL OF THE DISCOVERY 355

cabin by the water that came in through the sides."
The sails in the sail-room were seriously damaged, and
some were quite ruined before an opportunity was found
for drying them.

The Equator was crossed on ist September in
longitude 27" 38' W., and nothing further of moment
occurred till 17th October, when the Cape of Good Hope
was sighted, and the following day the anchor was let
go in Table Bay. As soon as the usual salutes had
been exchanged Cook landed to wait on the Governor
and principal officials, who received him with the greatest
civility and placed their resources at his disposal.
Permission to land his live stock was given, a place
for the observatory was granted, and tents were erected
for the use of the sail-makers and coopers, and a plenti-
ful supply of fresh meat, vegetables, and bread for the
crew was at once ordered. Letters were forwarded to
England by a French East Indiaman, and afterwards by
the Hampshire East Indiaman. The last vessel also
took back one invalid, and Cook afterwards wished he
had sent one or two more, but at the time he was hopeful
of their complete recovery.

On the evening of the 31st a heavy gale came up
from the south-east, and for three days they were unable
to communicate with the shore. The observatory and
tents were blown away, the astronomical quadrant had a
narrow escape from destruction, and the Resolution was
the only ship in the bay that did not drag her anchors.
On the loth the Discovery made her appearance, having,
according to Lieutenant Burney's log, sailed from
Plymouth at i p.m. on ist August. She sighted land
about twenty-five leagues north of Table Bay on 31st
October, but having then met with the full force of the
gale, was blown off the coast and was unable to reach
her anchorage till the above-mentioned date.

It may conveniently be noted here that, on the
arrival of the Resolution and Discovery at Macao, on their

356 1776-1777--THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

way home in 1780, they were informed that England
was at war with France and the American colonies ; so
to preserve a record for the Admiralty in case of capture,
Burney made a copy of the whole of his log on thin
Chinese paper. This copy is in the British Museum,
and is written on both sides of sheets of paper, folded
many times, in a clear hand, but so small as almost to
require a magnifying glass to decipher it. This pre-
caution was in reality unnecessary, for on the declaration
of war the French Minister, M. de Sartines, wrote the
following instructions to the Navy :

'* Captain Cook, who sailed from Plymouth in July
1776, on board the Resolution^ in company with the
Discovery,^ Cap^- Clerke, in order to make some dis-
coveries on the coasts, islands and seas of Japan and
California, being on the point of returning to Europe,
and as such discoveries are of general utility to all
nations, it is the King's pleasure that Capt- Cook shall
be treated as a commander of a neutral and allied power,
and that all Captains of armed vessels, etc., who may
meet that famous navigator, shall make him acquainted
with the King's order on this behalf, but at the same
time let him know that on his part he must refrain from
all hostilities."

Fiske in his ^* American Revolution" also says:

''When Franklin was in Paris as representative of
the United States he was empowered to issue Letters of
Marque against the English, but in doing so, inserted
an instruction that if any of the holders should fall in
with vessels commanded by Captain Cook, he was to
be shown every respect and be permitted to pass un-
attacked on account of the benefits he had conferred on
mankind through his important discoveries."

The Spaniards also issued similar instructions to
their fleet. A great honour to Cook, and also to the
nations by whom it was conferred.

When his consort arrived at the Cape, Cook was

xvi.l NOAH'S ARK

357

almost ready for sea, and so was able to render assistance
in the refitting, which was found to be very considerable ;
but the two ships were ready to sail by the end of the
month notwithstanding some provoking delays. The
bread which had been ordered for the Discovery before
her arrival was not ready to time, and the bakers blamed
their shortness of flour ; but Cook was convinced that
they were so afraid of having it thrown on their hands
they would not begin to bake till they saw her at
anchor. Although Cook, acting on advice, kept his
sheep close to his camp the dogs got amongst them, he
believes not accidentally, four were killed, one ram so
much injured that it was not expected to recover, and
the rest were scattered ; but after great trouble and the
employment of what are described as **some of the
meanest and lowest scoundrels of the place,'* they were
all recovered except two ewes. When the live stock
was at length collected they were at once embarked,
and two bulls, two heifers, two horses, two mares, two
rams and several ewes, goats, rabbits, and some poultry
were added in the hope of being able to stock those
islands ** where there was a prospect that the leaving of
some of them might prove useful to posterity." In fact
the *'Newbery" journalist, mentioned above, says that
when the Resolution left the Cape she was so stocked
with animals that she resembled Noah's Ark.

The same writer also says that the cook of one of the
ships was found to have coined Dutch money, and was
handed over to the authorities ; but as it was not proved
whether the coining had been done on board ship or on
land, he was returned to his ship, flogged, and sent
home in the Hampshire, Neither Cook nor Burney
make any reference to the affair.

On 30th November Clerke received his instructions
how to proceed in case of separation, and then the two
captains went on board their respective ships to find
them fully supplied with provisions and every necessary

358 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

for a voyage that was expected to last at least two years.
Anchors were weighed in the afternoon, but owing to
the light winds they did not get clear of the coast
till the morning of 3rd December, and on the 6th they
met with what Cook describes as *'a sudden heavy
squall," in which the Resolution lost her mizzen topmast ;
but this was not serious as it was a bad one, and *^had
often complained." They fortunately had a spare stick,
but Burney says it took them three days to complete the
repairs. The cold rough weather also had a bad effect
on the live stock, and notwithstanding every care
possible, several of the sheep and goats were lost.

On 1 2th December in 46° 53' S., and 37° 46' E., two
islands about five leagues apart were sighted, but even
the best glasses failed to discover either tree or shrub.
They appeared to consist of barren mountains covered
with snow, and with a bold rocky shore with no likely
looking harbours or bays. Burney says this was the
land reported by Marion du Fresne and Crozet in 1772
when on their way from the Cape to Manilla. As they
were unnamed in the chart presented by Crozet to Cook,
dated 1775, they were given the name of Prince
Edward's Islands, and a small group further to the
east was named Marion and Crozet's Islands. Then
sailing southwards through fog so dense that guns
had to be discharged continually to prevent separation,
and Burney says, they were often for hours together
unable to see twice the length of the ship, and in cold
so great that though it was summer, the warm clothing
provided by the Government was very acceptable, they
sighted on 24th December the land that had been
discovered by Kerguelen of which they were in search.
When at Teneriffe the Chevalier de Borda had given
Cook 48° 26' S., 64° 57' E. of Paris as the position of
an island which Kerguelen had named Rendezvous
Island ; this Cook took to be a high rock which they
only just weathered in the fog, to which he gave the

XVI.] KERGUELEN'S LAND

359

name Bligh's Cap, for he said: "I know nothing that
can Rendezvous at it but fowls of the air, for it is
certainly inaccessible to every other animal.'* As Cook
was unaware that Kerguelen had paid two visits to
the place he found some little difficulty in reconciling
the descriptions he had received with what he found.
It appears he touched at the spot at which Kerguelen
landed on his second visit, and as the men had been
kept at work on the 25th and 26th, they were given the
27th as their holiday, and in consequence the bay was
named Christmas Harbour. The anchorage was very
good, the bottom of dark sand, and they were well
protected from the winds by islands. There was a
remarkable rock near by, *' pierced through so as to
resemble the arch of a bridge." A good supply of
water was obtained, but no wood. Fish was scarce ;
but they found plenty of birds and seals, affording them
a supply of fresh meat. The vegetation consisted of
little else but a coarse grass, found in small patches,
of such a poor quality as to be hardly worth the trouble
of cutting for the animals. Whilst they were inspecting
the country the fog came on again so thickly that it
was with great difficulty that Cook was able to find
his way back to his boat.

One of the crew wandering about found a bottle in
which was a parchment with the following inscription :

LUDOVICO XV GALLORUM

REGE ET D. DE EOYNES
REGI A SECRETIS AD RES
MARITIMAS ANNIS 1772 ET

1773-

This was carefully replaced, together with a silver
twopenny piece of 1772, after Cook had added on the

back of the parchment :

NAVES Resolution
ET Discovery

DE REGE MAGN.E BRITANN.E
DECEMBRIS 1 776.

36o 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

The neck of the bottle was sealed with a lead cap,
and it was then placed in a pile of stones, in such
a position that it could not escape the notice of any
one visiting the spot. Cook believed this record to
have been left by the captain of the Gros Ventre,
M. de Boisgueheunen, when he took possession of
the land, but this can hardly have been the case ; it
was more probably left by M. Rochegude, one of the
officers of the Oiseau, who was in command of the
boats sent to take possession a second time, in the
name of the French king.

Leaving Christmas Harbour early on the 29th, they
ran along the coast towards the south-east, naming the
chief headlands and bays as they passed. Then falling
in with large quantities of growing seaweed, and
knowing from previous experience that this often
indicated danger in the shape of rocks near the surface
of the water, they looked out for an anchorage which
was found just in time by the Discovery, as shortly
afterwards it came on to blow so heavily that both
ships were compelled to strike topmasts. The sky,
however, remained clear, and they were able to send
out the boats, the Master of the Resolution to survey
the harbour, the Master of the Discovery to sound for
a channel to the south, and Messrs Gore and Bailey
to inspect the country. The two last reported that
the coast was very rugged and indented, and even
more desolate than at Christmas Harbour, and so after
giving to the place the name of Port Palliser and to
the land the Island of Desolation, they left on the
31st for New Zealand.

Mr Anderson, the surgeon, on whom Cook chiefly
relied for natural history notes, as he had displayed
great aptitude for those subjects during the previous
voyage, says: ** Perhaps no place hitherto discovered
in either hemisphere under the same parallel of latitude
affords so scanty a field for the naturalist as this barren

XVI.] VAN DIEMEN'S LAND 361

spot." The whole catalogue of the plants obtained,
including the lichens, did not exceed sixteen or eighteen.
The name of the Island of Desolation was changed to
that of Kerguelen's Land at a meeting held at Sir
Joseph Banks's House, when the Journal of the third
voyage was being prepared for publication.

The first part of the month of January 1777 was
foggy, with only an occasional glimpse of the sun;
in fact Cook remarks that they ** ran above 300 leagues
in the dark." On the 19th a sudden squall sent the
foretop-mast by the board, and it carried away with it
the main topgallant mast. It took the whole day to
clear away the wreckage and get up a new topmast,
but the topgallant mast they were unable to replace,
as they had no spare one nor any spar out of which
one could be made.

On 24th January Van Diemen's Land was sighted,
and on the 26th they put into Adventure Bay, where
a supply of wood and water and a small quantity of
poor grass for the cattle was obtained. The nets
were got out and such a haul of fish was made that
they broke, but enough were captured to make an
important addition to their bill of fare. A stick was
also obtained for a topgallant mast, and Cook describes
the timber as ** tough, straight, suitable for spars or
even masts if any means could be found to lighten it."
A few natives were seen, but did not create a very
favourable impression. They received anything given
to them without apparent interest ; some bread was
presented to them, and they were informed by signs
that it was to be eaten, but they either returned it
or threw it away ; fish, whether cooked or raw, they
also refused, but birds they would accept. One who
was armed with a short pointed stick was persuaded
to show its use, and threw it with a very poor aim
at a mark some twenty yards away, so Omai, to show
his own dexterity and the superiority of the English

362 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

weapons, fired his musket at the same object with the
result that the natives all rushed away into the bush.
After a time they visited the watering party, but the
officer in charge being uncertain as to their intentions,
fired over them and caused a second hasty retreat.
Cook landed two pigs in hopes they might escape
the notice of the blacks long enough for them to
establish their race in the island, a hope foredoomed
to disappointment.

The Marquis de Beauvoir in *^ A Voyage Round the
World" says that in 1866 he saw at Adventure Bay an
old tree, on the bark of which was cut with a knife,
*'Cook, 26th Jan. 1777"; this he was informed had
been cut by Cook himself.

They appear to have seen no reason to doubt
Furneaux's conclusion that Van Diemen's Land formed
the southern portion of Australia, so no attempt was
made to settle the question, and they sailed for New
Zealand on 30th January, meeting with a * ' perfect
storm " from the south, a most noticeable feature of
which was the almost intolerable heat which immediately
preceded the wind ; the thermometer rose

^'almost in an instant from about 70° to near 90°, but
fell again when the wind commenced, in fact the change
was so rapid that there were some on board who did not
notice it."

These storms are of frequent occurrence in the
summer on the south and south-eastern coasts of
Australia, and are locally known by the name of
*' Southerly Busters."

On 4th February a marine, named G. Moody, fell
overboard from the Discovery and was never seen again.
This was the second accident of the same kind on that
vessel, Corporal G. Harrison having been drowned on
24th September.

On loth February Rocks Point, near Cape Farewell,

XVI.] MAORI HUT BUILDERS 363

was sighted, and on the 12th the two ships anchored
near the old berth in Queen Charlotte's Sound. A
landing was at once effected, a camp selected, and
preparations for watering made. They were soon
visited by canoes, but only a very few of the natives
would venture on board ship, though many of them
remembered Cook and were recognised by him. They
appeared to think that he had returned for the special
purpose of taking vengeance on them for the massacre
of the Adventurers boat's crew, but after a time they
were persuaded to put aside their distrust, and flocked
down to the shore, where every available piece of ground
was soon occupied by their huts, the Englishmen being
particularly struck by the rapidity with which these were
erected. Cook describes how one party he watched
selected the ground and set to work : the men, tearing
up the grass and plants, erected the huts, whilst the
w^omen looked after the canoes and their few utensils,
secured the provisions and firewood, whilst he himself
kept the children and some of the oldest of the party
out of mischief by scrambling the contents of his pockets
amongst them. At the same time he noticed that how-
ever busy the men might be, they took care never to
be beyond easy reach of their weapons, and on his
side he always had a strong party of marines on
duty, and any party working at a distance from the
ship was always armed and under the command of an
officer who had had experience in dealing with the
natives.

A plentiful supply of fish was obtained, and some
wild celery and scurvy-grass which, boiled up with
wheat or pease and portable soup, made a salutary
change in the bill of fare, and washed down with
spruce beer, brewed on the spot and much appreciated
by the men, helped to eradicate all signs of scurvy on
the ships. There were at this time two men on the
Resolution's sick-list and none on that of the Discovery,

364 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

Cook was much pleased to notice that his men were
not greatly inclined to associate with the New Zealanders,
as he always discouraged familiarity between his crews
and any natives at the islands he visited, and he
estimated that in the immediate neighbourhood of his
camp he had at this time at least two-thirds of the
inhabitants of the Sound who appeared to be chiefly
attracted by the melting down of the seal blubber. He
says :

** No Greenlanders can be fonder of train oil than
these people ; the very dregs of the casks and skimmings
of the kettle they eat, but a little pure oil was a feast
they seemed not often to enjoy."

One of their visitors was a man Cook calls Kahoura,
who was said to have been the leader at the massacre
of the Adventurers hosit^s crew. He was not a favourite
with his own countrymen, who frequently expressed
surprise that Cook, having him in his power, did not
put him out of the way ; some of them going so far as
to ask for him to be killed, saying he was a very bad
man. However, as every enquiry possible was made,
and as all the evidence obtainable pointed to the fact
that the attack was quite unpremeditated and had arisen
out of a quarrel about something stolen from the boat,
during which two natives had been shot. Cook decided
that it was best to let matters rest. Burney says that
the two men were shot by Rowe, who was the only one
who had a gun with him, the others having left theirs
in the boat whilst they had their dinner. He also says
that the Maoris appeared to have a contempt for the
visitors, either because the massacre was not avenged
or because the Englishmen were too generous in their
dealings.

An inspection was made of the gardens that had
been established at the last visit, and in some places
cabbage, onions, leeks, parsley, radishes, mustard, etc..

XVI.] AN INDIFFERENT PARENT 365

were found, and the potatoes brought from the Cape
had improved in quality with the change of soil, but
they had been appreciated also by the natives, conse-
quently there were but few to be obtained. The poultry
and pigs that had been left were said to have run wild
and prospered, so Cook was wishful to leave some more
and some cows, but as he could find no one he could
trust to take charge, he would not risk leaving them.
Burney, on the other hand, declares that nothing could
be heard of the pigs and fowls left on the previous
voyage.

Omai expressed a wish to take a New Zealander
with him to Otaheite and soon found one willing to
volunteer. It was carefully explained to him that he
would have to leave his country for good as there would
be no chance of his being able to return, and in order
to provide companionship and to give him a proper
footing on board, a boy of nine or ten years was taken
as his servant. This boy's father presented him to
Cook ^Svith far less indifference than he would have
parted with his dog ; the very little clothing the boy
had, he took from him and left him as naked as he was
born." As soon as they were well at sea, having sailed
on 25th February, these two new hands grew seasick
and heartily regretted the step they had taken. Cook
says :

''They wept both in publick and in private, and made
their lamentations in a kind of song which, so far as
we could understand of it, was in praise of their country
and people they should never see more. Thus they
continued for many days, till their seasickness wore
off and the tumult of their minds begun to subside,
then fits of lamentation became less and less frequent
and at length quite went off, so that their friends nor
their native country were no more thought of, and were
as firmly attached to us as if they had been born
amongst us."

The writer of the ''Newbery" Journal finds fault

366 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

with the course steered after leaving New Zealand,
saying that it caused great dissatisfaction amongst the
crews of the two ships, and served no exploratory
purpose. He fails to have understood that Cook was
equally dissatisfied, and only held the course he did
in hopes that, as he neared the tropic, he would fall
in with more favourable winds which his previous
experiences led him to expect. Cook says :

**It was necessary I should run all risks as my
proceeding to the north this year depended entirely
on my making a quick passage to Otaheite or the
Society Islands."

As it turned out he crossed the tropic on 27th March,
some 9° further to the west than he had intended,
and during the time that had elapsed nothing of any
importance had occurred to break the monotony of
the voyage. Burney says that each ship published a
weekly paper, and on the signal being made that the
copies were ready, a boat was always sent to exchange
if the weather permitted. He describes Cook as a
constant reader, but not a contributor, and it is greatly
to be regretted that he adds, he believes none of these
papers were saved.

On 29th March in 21° 5/ S., 201° 53' E. (Burney
gives 21° 54' S., 202° 6' E.), a small island was dis-
covered, which Cook calls Manganouia, and describes
as well wooded, bread-fruit and cocoanuts being clearly
distinguished. One of the natives came on board the
Resolution and was able to make himself understood by
Omai. He said they had plenty of plantains and taro
root, but no yams, hogs, nor dogs. He unfortunately fell
over a goat, and was so much frightened that he could
take no further interest in his surroundings, so he was
put into a boat and rowed towards the land, and on
arriving near the surf he sprang into the water, and
swimming ashore, was quickly surrounded by his

XVI.] "STRANGE BIRDS" 367

countrymen, who kept him talking of his visit as long
as they could be seen from the ships. He had pointed
out two places for a landing, but Cook, who went to
examine them, thought them too dangerous to attempt.
He, however, was able to note the appearance of more
of the natives, whom he describes as well fed and
numerous, more like the New Zealanders than the
Otaheitans, but their language was more closely allied
to that of the latter people.

The next day land was again sighted, and as they
were very short of fodder for the animals (Burney
says they were so short that some had to be killed)
the ships worked in towards it, and two armed boats
from the Resolution and one from the Discovery^ under
the command of Mr Gore, were sent in tcJ look for
anchorage and a landing-place. Soon after they left the
ships some canoes came out with fruit ; the occupants
were easily persuaded to come on board, and appeared
to be under no apprehension. When they left, a canoe
came off with a bunch of plaintains, a present from
the king, the crew asking for Cook by name, having
learnt it from Omai who had gone ashore with Gore,
and an axe and piece of cloth were given in exchange,
with which they returned well satisfied. Soon after,
a large double canoe came off, and when alongside,
one of the occupants stood up and made a speech,
and then, asking for the chief, handed up to Cook a
pig and some cocoanuts. They were all invited on
board, and Cook was presented with a piece of matting.
They were shown over the ship, and though they
occasionally expressed some little surprise, nothing
seemed very greatly to fix their attention. "The cows
and horses they were afraid to come near, nor did
they form the least conception of them ; but the sheep
and goats they conceived to be some strange birds.'*
The gentleman who fell over the goat at the island
they had previously visited also asked Omai if it was

368 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

not some kind of bird. Cook made these visitors such
presents as he thought should prove acceptable, but
they went off appearing dissatisfied. Gierke, who had
also received presents, had a similar experience, and
it was afterwards ascertained that what had been wanted
in return was a dog, for it seemed that though they
had none on the island they were quite well aware
what they were.

When Mr Gore returned, he reported that he could
find neither a good landing nor a suitable anchorage,
but suggested that as the natives appeared kindly,
they should be asked to bring supplies to the ships,
especially the stems of plantains, which were found
to make very good fodder for the stock. The next
morning he went ashore, accompanied by Dr Anderson,
Mr Burney, and Omai, and was received by a party
of armed natives who conducted them with a sort of
state to one chief, then to a second, and then a third,
to each one of whom a present was given. When
this ceremonial was over, Gore tried to arrange for
trading, but was informed he must wait till the next
day, when he should obtain what he wanted. A very
large number of the natives had gathered round them
and they were not allowed to move about much, but
they received no incivility, although at times it seemed
doubtful as to how matters might end. After some
time they were presented with a pig and some other
food, and when the fire was lighted to prepare it, Omai
seems to have been rather alarmed and to have been
suspicious that perhaps they were intended to serve
as a repast for the islanders. He was plied with many
questions, and appears in reply to have given full scope
to his imagination, and Cook credits him with the
fact that the party were allowed to return to the ships
that night ; for the natives had been most anxious for
them to remain, and had placed all sorts of difficulties
in the way of their going back to their boats, but Omai

XVI.] A NEW FOOD FOR CATTLE 369

demonstrated the wonderful powers of the white men by
exploding a small quantity of gunpowder, and the flash,
smoke, and noise proved so convincing that all opposi-
tion to their departure was withdrawn. At this island,
which Cook names Wantien, latitude 20° I'S., longitude
201° 45' E., Omai found some of his own countrymen
who had been driven there by a storm when on a voyage
from Otaheite to Ulietea, and after having endured much
hardship had been so kindly received by the inhabitants,
and had established themselves so comfortably, that they
declined Omai's offer to try and obtain a passage back
from Cook. Burney says that Omai was most useful to
have on a landing party, as he was a good sportsman,
a good cook, and never idle. Before the boats had
left the ship on this trading effort, some canoes had
come out with a pig, plantains, and cocoanuts, but
refused to sell for anything except a dog. One of the
officers had two that were a great nuisance on board,
and Cook thought it would be an excellent opportunity
to get rid of them, but the owner would not part with
them. Omai, however, came to the rescue and gave up
a favourite one of his own, and so the purchase was
effected, and the natives departed in high glee.

After hearing Gore's report of the behaviour of these
natives. Cook thought it would be unwise to run any
further risks, so they sailed for a small island visible
in the north-west, which was found to be uninhabited,
although there were some old huts seen. Here they
obtained a supply of cocoanuts, scurvy - grass, and
some branches of trees of a soft spongy nature, which
when cut up into short lengths were eagerly eaten by
the cattle, and Cook observes: ^'It might be said,
without impropriety, that we fed our cattle on billet
wood." A hatchet and nails to the value of what had
been taken were left in the deserted village.

They next proceeded to Hervey's Island, a distance
of about fifteen leagues, but owing to the very light

2 A

37© 1 776-1 777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

winds they were unable to reach it till the morning of
6th April. At the time of his previous visit Cook had
seen no signs of habitation, and was therefore much
surprised to find several canoes put off to meet the ships.
Some of the occupants were persuaded to come on board
and to sell a few fish for nails, the value of which they
appeared to appreciate. From what Omai could glean
from them, Cook believed that they had seen the
Resolution and Adventure in 1776 when they passed the
island. King was sent out with two boats to inspect,
and was invited to land, but as he noticed that the
women were quietly bringing down spears and darts,
he thought it better to decline and return to the ship.

The course was now set for the Friendly Islands and
the Discovery was ordered to keep about a league ahead,
as it would be necessary to sail by night through a sea
studded with islands and reefs, and she was better able
**to claw off a lee shore than mine." The water was
getting rather short and

**In order to save I ordered the still to be kept at work
from 6 in the morning to 4 in the afternoon, during
which time we procured from 13 to 16 gallons of fresh
water. There has lately been made some improvement^
as they are pleased to call it, to this machine, which in
my opinion is much for the worse."

After leaving the Palmerston Group, which they
reached on 13th April, they fortunately fell in with
repeated thunderstorms which enabled them to catch a
good supply of water, ''and finding we could get more
by the rain in an hour than by the still in a month,
I laid it aside as a thing attended with more trouble
than profit."

At the Palmerston Group, which consists of a chain
of small islets connected by a reef, and was found to
be uninhabited, they obtained cocoanuts, palm cabbage,
scurvy-grass, and fodder for the cattle ; and a broken

XVI.1 THE PALMERSTON GROUP 371

paddle, part of a canoe, some pieces of plank, one of
which was very thick, with ''trunnell holes" in it, and
a piece of the moulding from a ship's upperworks,
painted yellow, with nail holes showing signs of iron
rust, were also found drifted in over the reef. As all
the supplies had to be carried for about half a mile along
the reef with the water up to the men's waists, they were
unable to get away till the 17th, when they made sail for
Annamooka. On the night of the 28th they anchored
off Comango, and King was sent off to obtain supplies
whilst the ships slowly made their way onwards.
King on his return brought with him seven pigs and
some fruit, and also two chiefs, who presented Cook
with another pig and gave a promise of more the next
day. The anchorage proved very unsatisfactory, so as
the night was dark and squally it was spent under sail,
and the^morning found them much further off, with the
wind in their teeth, and they were all day working their
way to an anchorage about four miles W.-S.-W. of the
island. Here they were again visited by the two chiefs,
who kept their promises as to the pigs. Acting on
previous experience. Cook ordered that only certain
people should be allowed to make purchases, and that
no curiosities should be bought till the ships were
supplied with provisions, as by that means he lessened
the liability to quarrels and kept prices within a reason-
able limit. He says :

*' It was remarkable that during the whole day the
Indians would hardly part with any one thing to any-
body but me ; Captain Clerke did not get above one or
two hogs."

In order to get a supply of water the ships were moved
to where they lay on the previous visit, and having
obtained leave from the natives, *^ who accommodated us
with a boat-house and showed us every other mark of
civility," the weak cattle were landed and an observatory

372 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

and camp established, with Mr King in command. A
chief named Tapan, who had shown much interest in
their proceedings, had his house moved down a quarter
of a mile so that he could be always near them.
Abundance of wood was found round the camp, but
it was what Cook calls ^* Manchineel," the juice from
which caused painful blisters on the skin of the wood-
cutters, and Burney says some of them were blind for
a fortnight from its effects : but other timber was easily
obtained. On 23rd April P. Woodfield, carpenter's
mate, had a very bad fall and broke his leg, but the rest
of the crew, says Burney, were '^in good health ; thank
God, no appearance of scurvy."

A chief named Feenough, who had been sent for
from Tongatabu, was introduced to Cook as the king of
the whole Friendly Group. He was received with the
utmost respect by the natives, but Cook felt suspicious,
as he was not the same man he had seen on his former
visit. Some of the chiefs turned out to be quite as
expert at thieving as the common people, and as one
was caught stealing a bolt from the spunyarn winch,
Cook determined to make him an example, so he was
ordered to receive a dozen lashes and pay a hog for
his liberty. He remarks that afterwards

*^we were not troubled w4th thieves of rank, their
servants or slaves were employed on this dirty work, on
which a flogging made no more impression than it
would have done upon the main mast. Their masters,
so far from making interest for them when they were
caught, would very often advise us to kill them, and as
this was a punishment we did not chuse to inflict, they
generally escaped unpunished, because we could inflict
nothing which they thought a punishment. Captain
Gierke hit upon a method which had some effect, this
was by shaving their heads, for though it is not a very
uncommon thing to see both men and women with their
heads shaved, yet its being done on this occasion was
looked upon as a mark of infamy, and marked out the
man."

xTi.] OIL ON THE WATERS 373

When Feenough visited the Resolution^ he brought
with him some fish which had been cooked in cocoanut
milk, and it proved so good that they had some prepared
in the same manner, but though it was well appreciated,
Cook remarks : *' My cook did not come up to theirs."

As the supplies of fresh vegetables appeared to be
running short, Cook prepared to sail to some islands
to the north, where Feenough advised him that he
would be able to procure a plentiful supply. They
were delayed by the loss of the Discoverfs best bower
anchor, the cable of which parted when they attempted
to weigh, having been worn by the coral rocks. There
was considerable difficulty in recovering it, and Burney
notes that by pouring oil on the water they were able
to see it at a depth of seventeen fathoms. After beating
about for three days they anchored between the islands
Happi and Lefooga, where they were at once surrounded
by canoes laden with pigs, fowls, roots, and fruits for
sale, and Cook was formally introduced to the
inhabitants by Feenough. He was conducted on
landing to a house, which had been brought down to
the beach for the purpose, and there seated with
Feenough and Omai, between whom a strong friendship
had sprung up ; the general public remaining outside.
Cook was asked how long he intended to stay, and on
his replying five days, Tapan was directed to speak to
the natives, and Omai said that he informed them that
the visitors were to be treated as friends, their property
respected, and supplies were to be taken to the ships,
when they would receive due exchange. Presents were
then made to several of the principal men, and water
was pointed out for the use of the ships. On returning
to the beach, Cook says :

** I found a baked hog and some yams, all piping hot,
put up for me to take on board. I invited the chief and
his friends to partake of it, they accepted my invitation
and we all imbarked for the ship, but none but the chief
sat down to table."

374 1776-1777— -THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

The next day Cook was again invited to the same
house ashore where a large number of people were
assembled. As soon as they were seated, about a
hundred people came forward laden with yams, bread-
fruit, plantains, cocoanuts, and sugar cane, which they
placed in two piles on the left. Then a second lot came
forward and made two similar piles on the right, to
which were tied two pigs and six fowls, whilst six pigs
and two turtles were added to the piles on the left. An
exhibition of wrestling, boxing, and single combats with
clubs made from green cocoanut boughs, then took
place, one or two of the boxing contests being between
girls. Cook says :

** These several contests were carried on in the midst
of at least three thousand people and with the greatest
good humour on all sides, though some, women as
well as men, have received blows they must feel some
time after."

When this show was over Feenough informed Cook
that the piles of food on the right were for his friend
Omai, whilst those on the left, about twice as large,
were for him, and that he could take them away when
he liked, for whilst they remained not so much as a
cocoanut would be touched by the natives. This proved
true, for he went on board leaving them behind and on
sending for them after dinner nothing was missing. It
required four boats to take this gift to the ships, and
Cook remarks that it ^ ' far exceeded any present I had
ever before received from an Indian Prince." When
Feenough came on board he was given a present in
return ** which was so much to his satisfaction that as
soon as he went ashore he made me another present
consisting of 2 large pigs, a large quantity of cloth and
some yams." Feenough having expressed a desire to
see the marines at drill, the men from both ships were
sent ashore and put through their exercise and volley

XVI.] A MAN OF IMPORTANCE 375

firing, and in return about a hundred of the natives
entertained the visitors with a musical drill, each being
armed with a sort of paddle about two feet six inches
long, accompanying their movements with singing and
the music of a couple of drums. Cook says :

** All their motions were performed with such justness
that the whole party moved and acted as one man. It
was the opinion of every one of us that such a perform-
ance would have met with universal applause on a
European Theatre, and so far exceeded anything we
had done to amuse them that they seemed to pique
themselves in the superiority they had over us."

In return for this performance Cook ordered a dis-
play of firework, and though some of them were spoilt,
there were enough good to create great astonishment
and give pleasure to the natives, who were particularly
taken with the sky and water rockets which ** entirely
turned the scale in our favour." The evening's entertain-
ment was then brought to a close by a further display
of dancing and singing by the natives.

The next morning Cook made a tour of inspection
and found the island well laid out in neatly fenced
plantations, highly cultivated, the crops being the usual
fruits and roots, and he added to their stock some seeds
of pumpkins, Indian corn, etc. When he returned on
board to dinner he found a large sailing canoe made
fast to the stern of his ship, and in it seated a most
potent, grave and reverend signor, whom he recognised
as the one he had known as king at the time of his
previous visit, and whose importance of manner seemed
now even greater than before. He could not be induced
by any means to go on board the ship, but remained
seated in his canoe till evening, when he went off to
another of the islands. His name is given by Cook
as Latouliboula, and he and Feenough entirely ignored
each other.

On 24th May a native announced that a ship like

376 1776-1777— '^HIRD VOYAGE [chap.

theirs was at anchor off Annamooka, and on being
questioned closely by Cook, through Omai, his answers
were so clear and satisfactory that there seemed no
doubt on the matter, but a chief of some note from that
island appearing just as the rumour had been accepted
and declaring that no ship had been seen since the visit
of the Resolution^ the informant disappeared and was
seen no more. Cook concluded that it was an attempt
for some unknown reason to persuade him to leave
his anchorage.

During one of his walks on shore Cook saw a
woman just completing an operation on the eyes of a
child. It was apparently to remove a film which had
grown over the eyeballs, and the instruments used are
described as

** slender wooden probes with which she had probed
round the eyes so as to make them bleed ; she had
almost finished the operation when I went in, so that
I saw but little of it."

Feenough had gone away to another island about
two days' sail distant, to get some of the valuable feather
caps and Cook had promised to await his return, but
finding the fresh supplies beginning to run short he
sailed along the reef to the south, and put into a bay
at the southern end of Lafooga. On the way the
Discovery ran on to a shoal, but managed to back off
without any damage. Notwithstanding that they had
a good supply of water on board, Cook went ashore
to inspect some wells, as he had been informed by the
natives that they contained water of a very superior
quality. He says :

''This will not be the only time I shall have to
remark that these people do not know what good water
is. We were conducted to two wells and found the
water bad in both and the natives told us they had no
better."

XVI.] A MAN OF WEIGHT 377

Near these wells a large artificial mound was seen,
about forty feet high and fifty feet diameter on the top,
which had evidently been built for many years as
large trees were growing on it. At the foot was a
hewn block of coral, four feet broad, two and a
half feet thick, and fourteen feet high, but the natives
present said that there was only about one half of it
above ground. It and the mound had been erected by
their ancestors in memory of a great king, but how
many years ago they had no idea.

A large sailing canoe arrived on the scene with a
chief who was treated by the natives with the utmost
respect, and was called by them Tattafee Polaho, and
was said to be king of all the islands. Hearing that
he wished to come on board, a boat was sent for him,
and he came bringing as a present

*'two good fat hogs, though not so fat as himself, for
he was the most corporate, plump fellow we had met
with. I found him to be a sedate, sensible man ; he
viewed the ship and the several new objects with
uncommon attention, and asked several pertinent
questions."

He was invited down to dinner, where *^he ate little
and drank less," and after receiving some return
presents, he invited Cook and Omai to go on shore
with him ; the former accepted at once, but the latter
being chagrined that there was really a greater man
than his friend Feenough, excused himself. They went
ashore in the Captain's boat, and before he landed,
Tatafee ordered two more pigs to be put into the
boat, and when that was done he was carried ashore
on a sort of handbarrow. He then went to a small
house near, and seating himself, invited Cook to sit
near him. Then the natives who had been trading on
the ships submitted for his inspection the articles
they had received. He carefully enquired what each

378 1776-1777--THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

had sold, and seemed pleased with the bargains made,
and everything was returned again to its owner, except-
ing a red glass bowl to which he had taken a great
fancy. Cook was particularly struck with the respect
with which Polaho was treated, and says he had
** nowhere seen the like, no not even amongst more
civilised nations."

Mr Basil Thomson, who was for some years in the
Pacific Islands, says that he heard that a red glass
finger-bowl was given by the late King of Tonga to
Mr Shirley Baker, as a relic of Captain Cook, and
that he carried it off to Auckland, but that it had since
been unfortunately broken. This is most probably the
bowl above mentioned. Mr Thomson brought home
a piece of hand -woven red cloth, now at Windsor
Castle, which was presented to * ^ Pow, an ancestor
of the present King of Tonga" by Cook; **Pow"
evidently being the Polaho of Cook.

During the time occupied by these visits the Masters
of the two ships had been away looking for a fresh
channel through the reefs to Annamooka, and Mr Bligh
reported that he had found an anchorage and a fairly
good channel, but not in the direction that Cook wished
to take, so it was decided that it would probably save
time to return on the old track. Before they left,
Polaho came on board bringing one of the caps made
from the red tail feathers of the bird the Sandwich
Islanders call liwi ( Vestiaria coccined)^ and some of the
red feathers of paraquets. These red feathers appeared
to be greatly valued by the natives, particularly the
Otaheitans, and consequently were much in demand,
but were not for sale though large prices were offered,
and Cook, Clerke, and Omai were the only ones to
whom any were given.

On 29th May, at daybreak, they weighed anchor,
and with a fine breeze stood away for Tongatabu ; but
the wind failed, and on the night of the 31st they were

XVI.] TIRED OF DANGEROUS WATERS 379

nearly ashore on a low sandy island on which the sea
was breaking heavily. Fortunately, the crew

*'had just been turned up to put the ship about and
the most of them at their stations, so that the necessary
movements were not only executed with judgment,
but with alertness, and this alone saved the ship."

Some of the natives who were on board as passengers
were so alarmed that they begged to be put ashore,
and were accordingly landed on one of the islands by
the ship's boats. Cook confesses that he, too, was
tired of beating about in these dangerous waters, and
felt greatly relieved to get to his old anchorage off
Annamooka on 5th June. Here he found the natives
busy getting in their crops of yams, which were in
very fine condition, as were the pineapples he had
planted ; but the water melon and other seeds that he
had sown were nearly all destroyed by the ants.

Feenough here rejoined the ship, and, as he made
a deep reverence as soon as he came into the presence
of Polaho, and would neither eat nor drink before him,
but left the cabin as soon as dinner was announced,
it was very evident which of the two was the more
important. He reported that he had loaded up some
canoes with pigs and other supplies for the ships, but
that they had been lost in the bad weather they had
had. This statement seems to have been received with
considerable doubt. The next day they sailed for
Tongatabu accompanied by fourteen or fifteen sailing
canoes, which could all easily out-distance the ships,
and in crossing a flat studded with coral rocks, both
ships touched, fortunately without damage. As soon as
possible they anchored, and the Masters were sent off
to sound, returning about 4 p.m., having found good
bottom in about nine fathoms, to which anchorage the
ships were moved and were at once visited by Otago,
who had made himself so useful at the last visit, and

38o 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chai-.

by Toobough, Captain Furneaux's great friend, each
bringing a pig and some yams as presents.

On landing, Cook found the king established in a
fine mat hut just within the forest, with a large open
space in front, and he was informed that this would
be his residence during his stay on the island. A
quantity of kava was prepared in the usual fashion ;
but as Cook did not admire the method fie handed
over his share to Omai. He speaks very highly of
the orderly behaviour of the natives, many of whom
had never seen a white man before. He was shown
some pools of fresh water, but the position was bad
and the quality not good, so he made further enquiries
and was told of some more on a small island near,
which proved much better, and, after clearing out the
holes, they were able to get a fair supply. As he
proposed to stay some little time, the cattle were
landed, the observatory set up, a party landed to cut
wood, the sails overhauled for repairs, and a party of
marines landed as guard, the whole being placed under
the command of Mr King. The gunners of the two
ships were appointed to superintend the trading with
the natives, who brought in such plentiful supplies that
Cook says :

**Our little port was like a fair, and the ships so
thronged that we had hardly room to stir on the decks.
Feenough had taken up his residence near us ; but
he was no longer the acting man ; we, however, found
him to be a man of consequence and property, and
he still continued to make us presents of hogs, etc.
As to the King, scarce a day past that I had not some-
thing considerable from him."

Several other chiefs of importance were heard of,
particularly one named Mariwaggee, said to be very
old, and a personage of too great importance for them
to see, but after some little trouble, Cook persuaded
the king to escort him to where this old chieftain resided.

XVI.] A PLEASANT VILLAGE 381

They set out early, accompanied by Captain Gierke,
some other officers, and Omai ; and Gook describes the
place they visited as

**a village, most delightfully situated on the bank of
the inlet, where all or most of the great men in the
island resided, each having his house in the midst of
a small plantation, with lesser houses and offices for
servants, etc. These plantations were neatly fenced
round, with, for the most part, only one entrance which
was by a door that was generally fastened on the inside
by a shore or prop of wood, so that a person has to
knock before he can get admittance. Public roads and
narrow lanes lay between every plantation, so that no
one trespasseth upon another. Great part of some of
these plantations were laid out in grass-plats and planted
with such things as seemed more for ornament than use ;
but hardly any were without the cava plant of which
they make their favourite drink, and some were planted
with everything the island produceth, but I observed
these were not the residences of people of the first rank.
There were some large houses near the public roads,
unenclosed, with large smooth grass-plats before them ;
these, I was told, belonged to the King, they seemed
common to every one, and were probably the places
where they have their publick assemblies. On our first
landing we were conducted to one of these houses where
we seated ourselves according to the custom of the
country, and in a short time had a very numerous
assembly, who, very orderly, seated themselves in a
semicircle before us, not one attempting to come near
us unless desired."

When they arrived they were told that Mariwaggee
had gone to see the ships, so they returned after a
short stay, but found that the old man had never been
near, and concluded that Omai acting as interpreter
had misunderstood what had been said to him. How-
ever, the next day, the old chief accompanied by a
large number of both sexes put in an appearance on
the shore. Gook at once landed and found him seated
with another old chief, and their companions, round

382 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

a very large piece of cloth. He had only brought
presents with him for one man, so under the circum-
stances had to divide them between the two, and was
very pleased to find that they both appeared satisfied,
and the piece of cloth and some cocoanuts were pre-
sented to him.

During their stay the king went on board the
Resolution every day to dinner, which was very
acceptable, as his presence excluded all the other
natives from the table, and very few of them remained
in the cabin, whilst if neither he nor Feenough had
been there, Cook says he *^ could never sit down to
dinner with any satisfaction." He thinks Polaho was
attracted by the wine, **for he loved a glass of wine
and could drink his bottle as well as most men, and
was as cheerful over it."

One day Toobough sent for Cook, who went ashore
to him and found him 'Mike an old Patriarch, seated
under the shade of a tree." He presented him with a
large piece of cloth, some of the valuable red feathers,
and about a dozen cocoanuts, and as Cook had come
ashore unprovided with anything to give in return
he was invited on board ship. Before they started,
however, a message came from Polaho's son that he
wished to see Cook, who at once went to the place
designated, where the youth was found seated on a
large piece of cloth under the shade of a cloth canopy
with a large boar and a heap of cocoanuts near at hand.
Omai, acting as interpreter, informed Cook that the
king wished his son to be included in their friendship,
and hoped that his present would be received. It
was accepted, and the chiefs were invited to dine
on board :

*'The young prince, Mariwaggee, Toobough, and
Feenough, they were accompanied by three or four
inferior chiefs, and two respectable old ladies of the
first rank."

XVI.] A USEFUL PRESENT 383

Mariwaggee was dressed in a large new piece of
cloth, decorated with six pretty large patches of red
feathers ; it appeared to have been made for the occasion,
and as soon as he arrived on board he took it off,
and presented it to Cook, who then made return
presents to all, and showed them round the ship, but
they could not be persuaded to sit down to dinner
nor touch any food as everything of that kind had
for some reason been made Tapu.

Mariwaggee, who it was ascertained was the father of
Feenough and the father-in-law of the king, gave an
entertainment of dancing and singing to the officers,
which commenced about eleven in the morning, and
lasted till between three and four in the afternoon.
When it was over two piles of yams, each pair of
roots tied to a stick about six feet long and decorated
with fish, were presented to Cook and Clerke. Cook
says it was hard to determine which were the most
useful, the yams for food or the sticks for fuel, but
**as to the fish, it might serve to please the sight,
but was very offensive to the smell, as some of it had
been kept two or three days for this occasion.'* More
singing and dancing took place in the evening and Cook
comments favourably on the conduct of the people
generally, though some few plundered in a most
daring and insolent manner ; he estimates that there
were not less than ten to twelve thousand present. In
return for this entertainment a review of the marines
was ordered, and a display of fireworks given, which
^^ astonished and highly entertained" the natives.

As Cook was afraid that some of his live stock might
be stolen, he sought to make interest on their behalf by
presenting some to the principal chiefs, so he gave a
bull and cow to Polaho, and also some goats, which he
had intended for Toobough, who did not attend at
the distribution. To Mariwaggee he gave a ram and
two ewes, and to Feenough a horse and mare, but

384 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

notwithstahding these presents some one was not
satisfied, and a kid and two turkey cocks were stolen.
Thefts had been very frequent and daring. One day
at noon some of the natives nearly succeeded in stealing
one of the anchors of the Discovery^ and were only
prevented by getting the fluke so firmly fixed in one
of the chain plates that it could only be freed by the
use of a tackle. Cook now determined that these
depredations must be put an end to, and he therefore
seized three canoes, and finding that the king, Feenough,
and some other chiefs were in a house, he placed a
guard over them and informed them they were prisoners
until the stolen goods were returned, but they did not
seem much affected by the news, and went on drinking
Kava, giving Cook an assurance that everything would
be returned. An axe and an iron wedge were very soon
produced, and Cook invited his prisoners on board to
dinner. On their return to land, the kid and one
turkey were returned, and the other one promised the
next day, so the prisoners and canoes were released.
At one time a small hostile demonstration had been
made by the natives, but the landing of a few marines
and an order from the king soon put an end to it.

The following day the king went on board the
Resolution with an invitation for another entertainment
to be given that day, and it was evident that it was
to be something out of the ordinary, as he had already
commenced his preparations in the shape of personal
adornment, having plastered his hair with some red
pigment which gave him a decidedly peculiar appear-
ance. After breakfast they went ashore and found
the natives busy erecting two sets of poles, one on
each side of the place that had been appointed for
the guests. Each set of poles consisted of four placed
in a square about two feet apart, and secured from
spreading by cross pieces about every four feet. These
structures were carried up to the height of about thirty

I

XVI.] SMART WORKMEN 385

feet, and the intervening space filled in with yams.
On the top of one of these towers were placed two
baked pigs, on the top of the other a live one, whilst
a second was tied by the legs about half-way up.
Cook says :

*^ It was extraordinary to see with what facility and
despatch they raised these two piles ; had our seamen
been ordered to do such a thing, they would have
sworn it could not be done without carpenters, and
the carpenters not without a dozen different sorts of
tools and the expense of at least a hundredweight of
nails, and after all it would have employed them as
many days as it did these people hours, but seamen
like most other amphibious animals are always the most
helpless on land."

This verdict has been completely reversed at the
present day, and the '* handy man" is supposed to be
equal to anything afloat or ashore.

When these erections were completed, several more
piles of yams and bread-fruit were heaped up on either
side of the open space, to which were added a turtle
and some excellent fish, and the whole was presented
to Cook. In the afternoon there was a performance
of singing and dancing, and a man armed with a
club executed a war dance *^with wonderful agility."
Some of the Discovery s fireworks were afterwards dis-
charged, but the exhibition was not a success as they
had been damaged by the wet.

A party of the officers from both ships made a trip
inland unknown to Cook, without having obtained
leave from any one ; and after an absence of two days
returned without their muskets, ammunition, and other
articles which had been stolen by the natives. Hoping
to recover their losses quietly, they persuaded Omai to
make a private complaint to the king, with the result
that all the chiefs took fright and left the neighbour-
hood. This annoyed Cook very much and he severely

2 B

386 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

reprimanded Omai for taking any steps in the matter
without his knowledge. This reprimand put Omai
on his mettle, and he managed to induce Feenough to
return, and then, being able to inform the king that
no serious results would ensue, he persuaded him
to return the next day. These two told Cook that
they could under no circumstances hold themselves
responsible for what had happened, but had they been
informed that any one wished to see the island, they
would have sent a chief with him who would have
been responsible for his safety. Notwithstanding that
no further trouble was taken over the matter, most of
the stolen things were returned, including some tools
belonging to the workmen and the missing turkey cock.
As there was to be an eclipse of the sun on 5th
July, Cook determined to stay and make observations,
and in the meantime employed himself in thoroughly
exploring the neighbourhood. On one occasion he
accompanied the king when he went to perform a
ceremony of mourning for a son who had been dead
some time. Polaho was first dressed by two old women
in a new cloth garment and over this was an old ragged
mat

**that might have served his great-grandfather on some
such like occasion ; his servants or those who attended
him were all dressed in the same manner, excepting
none of them having quite so ragged a mat round them
as their master."

Each had a small green bough round his neck, the
king only carrying his in his hand till near the place
of ceremonial, when he, too, placed it round his neck.
On arrival, these branches were thrown away and the
king seated himself, then more people gathered round
and also seated themselves near him. A large bowl of
kava was made and handed round till it was empty,
which was before every one had been able to partake.

xvi.l AN UNSUCCESSFUL OBSERVATION 387

During this time all maintained the greatest gravity,
and hardly a word was spoken ; then, when the kava
was finished, each one got up and went about his
business, much to Cook's disgust, as he had hoped to
see an interesting ceremony.

The day of the eclipse was dark and cloudy, with
heavy showers of rain, but shortly before the time it
cleared a little and the observers got ready at their
instruments. Gierke, King, and Bailey had a rather
uncertain sight of the commencement : Bailey's time
being ii^i 46' 23J'', King's ii^ 46' 28'', and Gierke's
11^ 47' 05'', Gook found his dark glass was unsuitable
for the day, and Bligh was unlucky in not getting the
sun into his field in time. About the middle of the
eclipse the clouds came up and the sun was not seen
again that day. This failure was of no great import-
ance, as the longitude had already been satisfactorily
ascertained from several good lunar observations. As
soon as the eclipse was over everything was sent on
board, and as no one had taken any notice of the
sheep that had been given to Mariwaggee, Gook
ordered them to be embarked also, as he felt sure that
they would be killed by the dogs as soon as the ships
had left.

Understanding that there was to be a grand
ceremony of initiation of the king's son into the estate
of manhood, at which he was to eat with his father
for the first time, and as the wind was unfavourable
for sailing through the narrows, Gook determined to
wait a few days longer. A party of officers from the
ships went over to the island of Moa, where the ceremony
was to take place, and there found the king in a small
enclosure, the dirtiest they had seen since their arrival,
seated with a number of natives drinking kava, and as
this beverage was not inviting to the Europeans they
went for a walk round the neighbourhood till about
ten o'clock, when they found large numbers of people

388 1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

were assembling in an open space in front of a house
they had visited when in the place before. At the
end of a lane opening on to this area were men armed
with spears and clubs, who were singing short
sentences, whilst others were employed in bringing in
yams, each one tied to the middle of a pole. After
a time the king and prince came in and Cook and
his party were invited to sit down, take off their hats,
and untie their hair, ''that we might appear the more
decent."

The men with the yams being all come in, each
pole was taken up by two of them, and forming into
companies of ten or twelve, headed by a spearman and
guarded on each side by others, they marched across
the open space, the whole procession being closed by
a man bearing a live pigeon on a perch. On asking
where the yams were being taken they were informed
that they were sent to be baked, but as the information
seemed somewhat reluctantly given, some of the party
followed and found they were taken to a Morai, or
burying-place, where they were being tied up into
bundles, for what purpose they could not understand,
and as their presence did not seem to be appreciated,
they returned to the king, who told them that as no
ceremonial would take place for some little time they
were at liberty to walk about. Being afraid of missing
any of the proceedings they did not go far away, and
when they returned the king desired Cook to order the
boats' crews to remain in the boats as everything would
shortly be ''tabu," and any one then found walking
about would be beaten and perhaps even killed. They
were also told that they could not be permitted to be
present at the ceremony, but they would be taken to
a spot from whence they could see everything. Their
dress was also objected to as they ought not to be
clothed higher than the breast. Omai offered to
conform to this regulation, but other objections were

xvr.] CEREMONY OF INITIATION 389

then raised, and it was thought wiser not to contest
the matter any further.

From the place to which they were taken Cook
strolled out a little way, and noticed men making
towards the Morai carrying sticks about four feet long,
to the middle of which two or three others, about the
thickness of a finger, were tied. Finding he was being
followed about and being warned several times to go
back, he thought it better to comply, and seeing a
number of people near a second Morai from which he
could see the king's plantation, he went there to the
evident satisfaction of his watchers. From here he
was able also to see the first Morai, and noticed that
when the stick-bearers arrived they formed a procession,
two to each stick, and marched away, stooping as if
carrying a heavy load, close past where he was stand-
ing. When they had all passed, Cook and his party
went to the king's house and found him on the point
of going out. They were not allowed to follow him,
but were conducted to a fence from behind which they
could see the first Morai. Here they found a large
number of people who were not allowed to join in the
ceremony, and the fences near, commanding a view
of the proceedings, were lined with spectators.

All these fences had been repaired ; some of them
were so high that it was impossible to see over them,
and it seemed as if they were permitted to be present but
were to be prevented from seeing as much as possible.
When they took up their places there were already
several men sitting in the arena, and shortly after some
more came in with small poles and branches of cocoa-
nut palms, who were received by one of those seated,
with a short speech, and then proceeded to erect a small
shed in the centre of the open space with the materials
they had brought. When it was completed the prince,
accompanied by four or five friends, came in and seated
themselves at one side and slightly in the rear of the

39© 1 776-1 777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

shed. Then twelve or fourteen women of high rank
came forward and, squatting down in front of the
prince, wrapped him and some of his friends in a
long strip of cloth they had brought for the purpose,
and afterwards sat down at his left. Then the king,
preceded by four men, came in and seated himself
also on the left, about twenty paces away. Then the
procession which Cook had previously seen with the
small sticks tied on poles (the small sticks were now
understood to signify yams) marched on to the scene,
and proceeding to the right of the prince, who had
transferred his place to the shed, placed their burdens
on the ground and retired- to the front of the open
space. Several speeches were then delivered, and
during the last one the speaker went several times to
the pile of sticks and at length took one up and broke
it. This concluded the ceremony for that day, and as
every one was allowed to go where he pleased, some
of the Europeans returned on board, but Cook and
two or three more remained till next day to see the
completion of the ceremony. They had a supper of
fish and yams at which the king was present, and
afterwards indulged so freely in brandy and water that
Cook, who slept in the same house, says ^*he went to
bed grogish."

About one or two in the morning the king's party
woke up and chatted for about an hour and then went
to sleep again till daybreak, when they all got up except
the king. Soon afterwards one of the women who
usually attended on him came in, and asking Cook
where the king was, sat down by him and beat a sort
of tattoo with her hands on the lower part of his back
and thighs ; this operation did not send him to sleep
as it seemed intended to, but he lay still and quiet.
Cook noticed that it was usual whenever the king lay
down to rest or sleep, for two of the women who
attended on him to come in, and one to beat him

XVI.] A CURIOUS SOPORIFIC 391

gently with her fists, and when she was tired a second
took her place.

**This they continue sometimes a whole night. One
would at first think this would produce the contrary
effect to what is intended, but it is not so, for it creates
a very agreeable and pleasing sensation."

Cook went out to pay an early visit to the prince,
whom he found with several other young boys in the
charge of an old man and woman, and then returned
to breakfast with the king, who was now up, super-
intending the preparation of a large bowl of kava, and
surrounded by a number of attendants. Breakfast
consisting of a roast pig and yams was brought in,
**the greater part of which fell to our share, that is,
to the boats' crew, for these people eat very little in a
morning, especially the kava drinkers." Leaving the
king to go to sleep, Cook went again to the prince,
giving him enough cloth to make a complete suit
of clothes, and receiving in return two pieces of native
cloth. When dinner was over the people met again
in the same open space as on the previous day, and
Cook, who had made up his mind to be one of the
party, went and sat down amongst them, and though
he was requested several times to leave, would not
understand. He was then requested to bare his
shoulders, which he at once did, and was no longer
molested. A few short speeches were delivered, and
the king and prince made their appearance, and a
procession similar to the one of the previous day took
place, the only difference being that some of the men
carried fish on the ends of forked sticks. These fish
were presented to two men, and stacked alternately
to the right and left, whilst a third one tried to seize
them as they were presented, and continued to do so
till he had secured one, when he remained quiet. When
all the members of the procession had come in, there

392 1776-1777— -THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

was a little more speech-making, and then the whole
of those who had been seated jumped up, ran a few
paces to the left, and sat down again with their backs
to the prince. Cook looked round and noticed that
the latter had faced the Morai, but he was unable to
see what was going on. He was afterwards informed
that at that time the king and prince had each been
presented with a piece of roast yam. In a short time
the people all faced round again and formed a circle
round the prince, leaving a large open space, into
which came some men carrying sticks over their
shoulders, and pretending to march very fast, at the
same time gaining but little ground. Three or four
men armed also with sticks rushed out on the first
lot, who, throwing down their weapons, ran away from
their assailants, and the latter fell upon the discarded
sticks, and beat them most unmercifully. After this
there was a display of boxing and wrestling, and
then two speeches, and the ceremonial was at an end.
Cook was informed that in about three months' time
a far grander ceremony would take place, at which
ten men would be sacrificed. He endeavoured to
ascertain the meaning of what he had seen, and
though the explanation was not very satisfactory, he
understood that it was swearing fealty to the prince,
and undertaking to support him when he succeeded to
the chief position in the country.

Cook was invited by the king to attend the funeral of
the wife of Mariwaggee, but as the tide was favourable
for the passage of the narrows by daylight, he would
not lose the opportunity and sailed at 8 a.m. on loth
July, finding the channel very difficult. They arrived
off Middleburg on the 12th and were at once visited by
Cook's old friend Taoofa. A party landed and went for
a walk on the hills and reported favourably on the
appearance of the country. A dish of turnips was
obtained, the produce of seed sown at Cook's last visit ;

xvi.l A HEAVY SQUALL 393

some pine-apples were planted and they were entertained
by an exhibition of boxing, wrestling, and dancing.
This entertainment was to have been repeated at
night, but some of the natives fell upon one of the
crew of the Resolution and stripped him of everything,
whereupon Cook seized a pig and two canoes, and
demanded that the culprits should be given up. A
man who had the shirt and trousers was handed over,
so the two canoes were given up, and the next day
the thief was liberated without further punishment, and
the pig was paid for. The remainder of the man's
clothes were brought in, but were so much torn as to
be worthless. The chiefs were given return presents,
which were divided between three or four, Taoofa only
retaining a small share for himself.

On 17th July they stood out to sea, leaving the
Friendly Islands after a stay of between two and three
months, during which time they had been living almost
entirely on what they had been able to purchase from
the natives, with whom they had always been on good
terms. On the 29th they met w^ith a very heavy squall
in which the Resolution lost a couple of stay-sails, whilst
the Discovery lost main topmast and main topgallant
yard, and the head of her main-mast was so badly
sprung as to render the rigging of a jury-mast a
matter of no little danger, but it was at length success-
fully accomplished, a spare jibboom being supplied for
the purpose by the Resolution,

Land, called Toobonai by the inhabitants, in 23° 25'
S., 210° 37' E. according to Cook, was sighted on 8th
August, and appeared to be fertile, the natives, who
came out near the ships but would not board, spoke the
same language as Omai, and said they had the usual
fruits and roots as well as pigs and fowls. Their canoes
were very similar to those of New Zealand, but as the
wind was favourable, and the natives did not appear to
be so, Cook judged that it was not worth while to delay.

394 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

Otaheite was reached on the 12th, and amongst the
earliest visitors on board was a brother-in-law of Omai,
but the meeting appeared to be a matter of complete
indifference to both ; there were others who knew him
well before he went away, but they also treated him
quite as if he were an Englishman and a stranger.
When, however, he took his brother-in-law into the
cabin and presented him with some of the red feathers,
a remarkable change came over them, and they all
immediately declared the greatest friendship for him,
and Cook says that he would **take no advice, but
permitted himself to be made the dupe of every design-
ing knave."

Owing to the failure of the wind they did not reach
the anchorage till about 9 a.m., when the cattle were
at once got ashore, an inspection of the provisions
ordered, the caulkers set to work, as the ships had
been making a good deal of water since leaving the
Friendlies, and preparations were made for taking in
ballast. Omai's sister came on board, and Cook says :
^'The meeting was extremely moving and better con-
ceived than described." The news about the red
feathers had spread abroad, and the ship was soon
surrounded by canoes filled with goods to exchange.
Cook says that a few feathers, ** not more than might
be got from a tomtit, would purchase a hog of 40
or 50 pounds weight." They went down in value
after a time as there were plenty on board, but nails
and beads were not looked at, although they had
previously been acceptable enough.

Cook learnt that two ships from Lima had been
twice at the island since his last visit. The first time
they called the crews built a house with material they
had brought with them, and then, leaving four men,
sailed away and returned after an absence of about
ten months. At their second visit their ^* Commodore "
died, and was buried near the house, which was allowed

XVI.] TRACES OF THE SPANIARDS 395

to remain when they left. It was found to consist of
two rooms, and contained a table, bench, bedstead, and
a few other trifles. The posts had all been carefully-
numbered to facilitate erection, and after the Spaniards
left, the natives had built a shade over the whole of
it to protect it from the weather. Near by was a cross
of wood on which was ;

" Christus vincit,

CAROLUS III. IMPERAT, 1 774."

On the opposite side Cook caused the following to

be cut :

"Georgius Tertius Rex.
Annis 1767, 69, T>), 743 et 78."

The anonymous writer mentioned before (Newbery,
1 781) states that Cook caused the cross to be pulled
down and carried away, and in another place that he
*^ caused the Spanish inscription to be erased, the
cross to be effaced, and a new inscription to be cut."
Burney corroborates Cook's statement that nothing
more was done than the cutting of the second inscrip-
tion on the back. When the Spaniards left the first
time, they took away with them to Lima four of the
natives, one of whom died, one remained at Lima,
and the other two returned with them. These two
last did not seem to have been improved by their
experience, for Cook saw one of them and was not
impressed by his behaviour ; and neither of them
appeared to be respected by their countrymen.

Omai took Cook to visit an old man who was known
to some of the natives by the name of Olla, but whose
proper name. Cook says, was Etary, and who was
described by Omai as the God of Bolabola. With
the exception that, owing to being blind in both eyes
he was carried about on a kind of hand-barrow, he
did not appear to be treated differently from any of
the other chiefs.

396 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

In order to save the store of spirits, the crew of
the Resolution was mustered, and it was pointed out
that as the supply of cocoanuts was abundant, it would
be an advantage, in view of the hardships to be
encountered in a very cold climate, to stop the regular
issue of spirits for a time, but the decision was left to
the men. Cook was much gratified to find his sug-
gestion at once agreed to, and instructed Gierke to
consult his crew in the same manner ; they also con-
sented, and an order was issued to stop

** serving grog, except on Saturday nights, when they
had full allowance to drink to their female friends in
England, lest amongst the pretty girls of Otaheite they
should be wholly forgotten."

On the 1 6th Cook received a message from the chief
of the district, Waheatua, that he was coming to visit
him, so he went ashore accompanied by Omai,
** dressed in a strange medley of all he was possessed
of." They proceeded to a large house where they
seated themselves with the presents they had brought
for the chief arranged in front. The visitor soon
arrived with his mother and several other important
personages. Several speeches were delivered, and
after having exchanged names with Cook as a token
of friendship, the chief and some of the others went
on board ship to dinner. Cook was informed that the
Spaniards had told the natives that if he came back
he was not to be allowed to land in Oaitipehu Bay,
as they claimed it as the property of the King of
Spain, but Waheatua made a formal surrender of the
whole province to Cook, and a day or two afterwards
sent a present of ten or twelve hogs, and a quantity of
fruit and cloth, and in return was entertained with a
display of fireworks, which *^ both pleased and astonished
them." Some of the gentlemen, as Cook always styled
the civilians, having reported that they had discovered

XVI.] PARTING WITH THE LIVESTOCK 397

a Roman Catholic chapel in their walks, a trip was made
to inspect it, when it was found to be, as Cook had
suspected, the grave of the late chief. It was decorated
with different coloured cloths and mats, including a piece
of scarlet broadcloth which had been given by the
Spaniards. Two men were found to be in attendance
day and night, who did not permit the visitors to make
any very close inspection of the place.

On the 23rd the ships sailed for Matavai Bay, where
the Resolution anchored the same night, the Discovery
coming in next morning. A message was received
from Otoo, the king and friend of their last visit,
saying he should be pleased to receive him, so Cook
at once went ashore, and was welcomed by the king,
his family, and a large number of the people. Otoo
was gratified by a present of a fine linen suit, a hat
with a gold band, some tools, and, what he seemed
to value most, a large bunch of the red feathers, and
a feather helmet from the Friendly Islands. After the
formal reception the Royal Family went on board ship,
and were followed by canoes laden with a present of
food sufficient to have kept both ships for a week,
had it been possible to preserve it for that length of
time. After dinner, Otoo and Cook went to Oparee,
taking with them a peacock and peahen, sent specially
to the island by Lord Bessborough, a turkey cock and
hen, a gander and three geese, a drake and four ducks,
in hopes thus to make a commencement in stocking the
island. A gander was seen which the natives declared
to be the one left by Captain Wallis with Oborea ten
years previously. Several goats and a bull left by the
Spaniards were also seen, and Cook sent three cows
ashore as company for the last. The horses and sheep
were also landed, and Cook remarks :

*' I now found myself lightened of a very heavy
burden, the trouble and vexation that attended the
bringing these animals thus far is hardly to be con-

398 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

ceived. But the satisfaction I felt in having been so
fortunate as to fulfil His Majesty's design in sending
such useful animals to two worthy nations sufficiently
recompensed me for the many anxious hours I had
on their account."

When Vancouver called at Otaheite in the year
1793, he received the usual presents of fruits and
animals for food, and amongst the latter were some
goats, which, he was informed by the natives, were
the descendants of those left by Cook.

As was usual when a stay of any length was
intended, the observatory and workmen's tents were
got ashore, and a camp established with Mr King
in command. The Discovery^ s main-mast was taken
out and ''made as good as ever," the ships were
caulked, sails, water-casks, etc., repaired, the rigging
overhauled, but owing to the very unsettled state of
the weather the work was much delayed. When the
ships' stores were examined, it was found with great
satisfaction that very little of the bread was damaged.
As all their old friends came to the ships with
presents in considerable quantity, the crews soon had
enough provisions, and the natives appeared to suffer
no inconvenience, as the supplies were everywhere
abundant. Cook had the pleasure of presenting
Odidie, who had been of great service to him at his
last visit, with a suit of clothes specially sent out for
him by the Admiralty, and he added to this a chest
of tools as a present from himself. A garden also
was cleared and planted with potatoes, melons, pine-
apples, etc., but Cook had little hope of their receiving
proper attention, as he had seen a vine planted by
the Spaniards, which the natives had trampled down
because, having tasted the grapes before they were
ripe, they had come to the conclusion that if it was
allowed to grow it would poison every one in the place.
It was carefully pruned and put into as good order as

XVI.3 A FALSE ALARM

399

possible, and Omai, who took some cuttings from it,
was instructed to explain its use and how it should be
cultivated. Shaddocks were also introduced which had
been brought from the Friendly Islands.

On the 27th Cook received information from a native
to the effect that the two Spanish ships had returned
to Oaitipehu Bay, and in proof was shown a piece of
cloth which he said he had obtained from one of them,
and he also mentioned other circumstances confirmatory
of his story. As Cook was, of course, unaware if
England and Spain were on unfriendly terms, he
had the two ships put into a state of defence, and
Lieutenant Williamson was despatched in a boat to
obtain further information. On the return of the
latter he reported that he had seen no ships, nor were
there any signs of their having been in the bay since
Cook's departure.

At the time of his last visit to the island, an
expedition was preparing against the revolted island
of Eimeo, but though it had eventually departed on
its mission, nothing very decisive seemed to have
occurred, and there were still continual disturbances
between the two nations. On 30th August, however,
news arrived that the Otaheitans had been obliged to
take refuge in the hills, and they appealed for further
aid. A grand meeting was held to discuss the affair,
and endeavours were made to enlist the active
participation of Cook. He, however, declined any
share, on the grounds that he was not thoroughly
acquainted with the causes of the quarrel, and also
that the inhabitants of Eimeo had always been on
very friendly terms with him. A chief, named Towha,
now sent in word that he had killed a man as a
sacrifice to the Eatua (God) in order to secure his
assistance in the proposed relief expedition, and Cook,
thinking it would be a good opportunity to study the
religious customs of the natives, obtained permission

400 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

to witness the remaining ceremonies. He started off
in a boat accompanied by Dr Anderson, Mr Webber,
and the chief Potatow, followed by Omai in a canoe.
On their arrival at the place appointed, Otoo desired
that the sailors should remain with the boat, and that
Cook, Anderson, and Webber should remove their
hats immediately on their arrival at the Morai. When
they arrived they found the body of the victim had been
placed in a small canoe just in front of the Morai, and
in the wash of the sea, in charge of four priests and
their attendants. The king and his party halted some
twenty or thirty paces from the priests, and the rest of
the people a little further off. Two priests now came
forward, one with a young plantain tree which he
placed before Otoo, and the other with a bunch of
red feathers with which he touched Otoo's foot, and
then both retired to the others. The four priests
then went to some small Morals a short distance away,
and seated themselves facing the beach, and one of
them began reciting a long prayer, occasionally
pausing to send, by one of his attendants, a young
plantain to be placed on the body of the victim.
During this prayer an attendant standing near the
officiating priest held in his hands two small bundles,
** seemingly of cloth; in one, as we afterwards found,
was the Royal Maro, and the other, if I may be
allowed the expression, was the ark of the Eatua."

When this prayer was ended, the priests went down
to the beach, and, seating themselves, again resumed
the prayers, the plantains being removed one by one,
and placed in front of the priests. Lastly, the body,
partly wrapped in leaves, was lifted out of the canoe
and laid on the ground with the feet towards the sea,
the priests placing themselves round it, some sitting
and some standing, the prayers meanwhile continuing.
After a time the leaves were stripped from the body,
and it was turned parallel with the water, and one

XVI.] A NATIVE CEREMONY 401

of the priests standing at the feet pronounced another
long prayer, in which he was from time to time joined
by the others, each holding in his hand a tuft of the
red feathers. Some hair was then pulled from the head
and one eye taken out, and after being wrapped in
leaves, presented to Otoo, who did not touch them,
but sent them back with a tuft of feathers to the
priests, soon afterwards sending a second tuft which
he had given Cook to put in his pocket for him when
they started in the morning. Whilst this part of the
ceremony was proceeding a king-fisher made a noise
in some trees near, which seemed to be considered a
good omen, as Otoo remarked to Cook: *'That is the
Eatua." The body was then moved to the foot of one
of the small Morais and placed with its head towards it,
the bundles of cloth that had up to this been carried by
the attendant were deposited on the Morai at the head,
and tufts of red feathers at the feet. The priests placed
themselves round the body and the visitors were per-
mitted to approach a little nearer. More prayers were
then said and some speeches delivered, a second lock
of hair was plucked from the head and placed on the
Morai, and then the two bundles of cloth, on which
all the tufts of red feathers had been put, were carried
over to the great Morai and laid against a pile of stones,
close to which the body was also brought, and whilst
the priests seated round it again said some prayers,
their attendants were engaged in digging a grave. In
this the body was finally buried, and a dog which had
been sent over for the purpose by Towha, a very poor
one, was partially cooked and presented to the priests,
who called on their god to come and see what was
prepared for him, and placed it on a small altar on
which were the remains of two other dogs and three
pigs, which smelt so intolerably that the white men
were compelled to keep at a greater distance away
than they wished to be. This ended the ceremony

3 c

402 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

for that day, and the visitors adjourned for the night
to a house belonging to Potatow.

In the morning, on returning to the Morai, a pig
was sacrificed and put on the small altar with the
other remains, and about eight o'clock the priests,
Otoo, and a great number of people reassembled there.
The two bundles were still where they had been put
the night before, but now had two drums standing in
front of them between which Otoo, and Cook at his
request, seated themselves. The ceremonial was re-
commenced by placing a small plantain tree at the
feet of the king, and then prayers were recited by
priests holding bunches of the red feathers in their
hands. The priests then moved to a position between
the Morai and the king, recited another prayer, and
placed the feathers bunch by bunch on the bundles.
Four pigs were then produced and one immediately
killed, the other three being left in a sty for future
occasion. The bundle containing the king's *'Maro"
was now untied and spread out carefully before the
priests on the ground. The *^Maro" was about five
yards long and fifteen inches broad, composed of red
and yellow feathers, mostly yellow. One end was
bordered with eight pieces, each about the size and
shape of a horse-shoe, the edges fringed with black
pigeon's feathers ; the other end was forked, the forks
being of unequal length. The feathers were arranged
in two rows, and had a very good effect. They were
fixed on to a piece of the country cloth, and the whole
then sewn to the English pendant which Captain Wallis
had left flying when he sailed from Matavia Bay.

After the priests had said another prayer over this
emblem of royalty, it was carefully folded up again
and replaced on the Morai. One end of the second
bundle, which Cook calls the Ark of the Eatua, was
opened out, but he was not allowed near enough to
see what it contained. The entrails of the pig were

XVI.] SELECTING THE VICTIM 403

then prayed over, and one of the priests turning them
over gently with a stick appeared to gather omens of
a favourable nature from them ; they were then thrown
on to a fire, and the partly cooked pig was deposited
on the small altar. The whole of the feathers that had
been used during the ceremonies were placed in the
*' Ark," and all was over.

It was ascertained that when a victim was required,
a chief fixed on one and sent out his servants to kill
him. This was done without any warning and usually
by means of a blow on the head with a stone, and it
was deemed absolutely necessary that the king should
be present at the subsequent ceremonies. Chiefs of an
enemy's tribe who were killed in fight were buried with
some state in the Morai, and the common men who
fell were buried at foot of it.

On their way back to the ship the visitors called on
Towha, who had supplied the victim. He asked for
Cook's opinion on the ceremonial, and was anything
but pleased to hear through Omai that he thought such
proceedings would be more likely to offend the Deity
than please him, and that he might, in consequence,
not permit them to be successful against their enemies.
On being asked if the English ever practised such
ceremonies, Cook informed him that if the greatest
chief in England had killed one of his men he would
be hanged ; whereupon Towha

*' called out vile, vile (Maeno, Maeno), and would not
hear another word, so that we left him with as great
a contempt for our customs as we could possibly have
for theirs."

Cook says that the servants listened to Omai with
the greatest interest, and were evidently of a very
different opinion from their master.

Cook gives a receipt for a pudding which met with
his approval, and he seems to have watched the process

404 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

of manufacture with an interest that is surprising when
the character for utter indifference to his food, which
is given to him, is taken into consideration. This
pudding

**was made of Breadfruit, Ripe Plantains, Taro, and
Palm or Pandanus nuts, each rasped down, scraped,
or beat up fine and baked by itself; a quantity of juice
expressed from Cocoanut Kernels was put into a large
tray or wooden vessel, amongst it the other articles
piping hot, as they were taken out of the oven, and a
few hot stones just to keep the whole simmering ; three
or four men kept stirring the whole with sticks till the
several articles were incorporated one with another and
the juice of the cocoanut was turned to oil ; so that
the whole was about the consistency of hasty pudding.
Some of these puddings are excellent ; we can make
few in England that equal them ; I seldom or never
dined without one when I could get it, for they were
not always to be got."

One day Cook accompanied Otoo to his father's
house, where he saw two girls being dressed

*^in a manner rather curious : the one end of each piece
(of cloth) of which there were a good many, was held
up over the girls' heads, whilst the remainder was
wrapped round them under the armpits ; then the
upper ends were let fall and hung down in folds to
the ground over the other and looked something like
a circular hooped petticoat. Afterward round the out-
side of all were wrapped several pieces of different
coloured cloth, which considerably increased the size,
so that the whole was not less than five or six yards
in circuit and was as much as the poor girls could
support. To each was hung two *Taames' or breast-
plates by way of enriching the whole. Thus equipped
they were conducted on board ship together with
several hogs and a quantity of fruit as a present from
Otoo's Father to me. Either men or women dressed
in this manner they call ^Atee,' but, I believe, it
is never done but when they want to make large
presents of cloth, at least I never saw it at any other

xvr.] UNE PROMENADE A CHEVAL 405

time, nor indeed did I ever see it before now, but both
Captain Gierke and I had cloth given to us in this
manner afterwards."

They also went to inspect the body of a chief that
had been embalmed, but were not allowed to examine
it very closely, being carefully kept outside some rails
that enclosed the place where the body lay. This chief
had been dead some months, and was so well preserved
that they were unable to perceive the slightest unpleasant
smell, but they could not gather any information as to
how such results had been attained. It appeared that
all chiefs who died a natural death were preserved in
this manner, and from time to time were exposed to
public view, the intervals between each exposure getting
longer and longer as time went on, till at length they
were hardly ever shown.

Cook and Clerke astonished the natives by taking
a ride on horseback through the country, and their
progress was watched with great interest by large
numbers of people. Omai had on one or two
occasions tried to show off his equestrian powers, but
had each time been thrown before he was properly
in the saddle, so that this was the first time the
populace had been able really to see anything of the
art of equestrianism, though probably Omai's efforts
were more entertaining. The horses were ridden
every day by one or another, and Cook thinks that
the Otaheitans were more impressed by this use of
the animals than by anything else done by the white
men, and they were very proud or the horses that had
been presented to them when they understood their
use. It is strange that only forty years afterwards the
natives had so entirely lost all tradition of the use
of the horse, that Ellis relates when one was landed
for Pomarre, they ran away and hid in fear of the
** man -carrying pig," notwithstanding some of them
had helped to land it.

4o6 1 7 76-1 7 7 7— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

On 2ist September, the work of refitting being
completed, the stores and instruments were put on
board and the sails were bent ready for a start. Early
next morning Otoo and his father came on board, and
finding that Cook intended to visit Eimeo they arranged
to go with him, and that their fleet should accompany
the two ships in hopes that the rebels in that island
might think that the services of the English had been
enlisted against them. However, before they were
quite ready for the start, news came that Towha had
patched up a truce and therefore was not in want
of immediate reinforcements. Otoo's presence was
required at a sort of thanksgiving that was to be held
in celebration of the peace, and Cook was also very
desirous of being present, but owing to a bad attack of
rheumatism in the legs he was obliged to lie up on
board ship. He was accompanied by Otoo's mother,
three sisters, and eight other women who had under-
taken to effect a cure. He submitted himself to their
treatment, which consisted in squeezing and kneading
him from head to foot, especially in the parts most
affected. This operation they called ^^Romy," and
although Cook says he was glad to escape from them
after about a quarter of an hour of this treatment, he
confesses he felt relief, and after submitting to four
operations of the kind he found himself completely
cured.

Mr King and Omai went to see the thanksgiving
and returned on the 25th, making a formal report of
their experiences. The ceremonial seems to have been
similar to that of the recognition of Otoo as king, but
less protracted, and Cook concluded from what he
was able to gather from Omai, who was present at
both, that it was intended more as a ratification of
the treaty than as a thanksgiving for peace.

Otoo was very desirous to send a canoe as a
present to the King of England, and at first Cook was

XVI.] CANOE FOR KING GEORGE DECLINED 407

willing to make room for it, but when he found it was
to be a large double canoe, he felt himself compelled
from want of space to decline it. He regretted this
greatly, as the idea was quite spontaneous on the part
of Otoo, and the canoe, which had evidently been
specially made for the purpose, was a very fine specimen
of native workmanship. Otoo asked for some axes,
six muskets and ammunition, and also requested that
the next ships that came from England should not
only bring a supply of the much valued red feathers,
but also some of the birds that produced them. It
must be understood that when the natives made a
present they always intimated what they desired in
exchange ; consequently this method of obtaining
supplies was often more expensive than the ordinary
bartering, but on occasion of scarcity or other special
circumstances it was found very useful.

Newbery's anonymous writer states that whilst at
Otaheite two of the officers fought a duel. He does
not give the cause, but he says they exchanged three
shots, with the result that one of them had his hat
seriously damaged, and they were better friends after-
wards ; his story is not confirmed by the other journals.

On 29th September, the wind having gone round
to the east, the Resolution^ as a final treat for Otoo,
went for a short run and back again, and then the
two ships sailed for the north side of Eimeo, where
they arrived the next day, and were at once visited
by the chief Maheine with the usual presents. He
was a man of between forty and fifty years of age,
and, what was most unusual amongst the islanders,
bald-headed. He seemed to be much ashamed of this,
and almost always kept his head covered with a sort
of turban. Cook believes that this unwillingness to
let his want of hair be seen arose from the fact that
natives caught stealing on board the ships were often
punished by being shaved on the head, and adds :

4o8 1776-1777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

*'One or two of the gentlemen whose heads were not
overburdened with hair, lay under violent suspicion
of being ^titos' (thieves)."

One of the few remaining goats was stolen, but
after some little trouble and threats of reprisals it
was returned, and the thief delivered up. A second
one was then stolen, so a party was landed and marched
across the island, but no trace of the animal was to
be seen, and after great consideration Cook decided
that he must make some example, and ordered one
or two houses and canoes to be destroyed, at the same
time sending word to Maheine that if the goat was
not returned to him, he would not leave a canoe on
the island. This threat had the desired effect : the
goat was returned, and the next day the people were
quite friendly, and trading went on as smoothly as if
nothing had occurred to ruffle the current of their
intercourse. Cook expresses regret that he had been
obliged to take such strong measures, and he was
more particularly annoyed as he had sent a present of
red feathers to Otoo, requesting him in return to send
a couple of goats to Eimeo, and had every reason
to believe his request would be attended to.

On nth October sail was made for Huaheine, and
on their arrival Cook was so ill that he had to be landed
from the ship, but he makes no mention of it in his
Journal. Oree's two sons were the first to pay a visit
with a present, and the information that their father
had now handed the government over to the young
king. As Cook thought that this island would be
more suitable for Omai than Otaheite, and as Omai
himself appeared perfectly satisfied with the arrange-
ment, a piece of ground was obtained from the chief, a
garden cleared and planted, and a small house erected
to contain his stores. The interest of the different chiefs
was sought on his behalf, and as it was seen that some
of the natives were inclined to take advantage of Omai's

XVI.] A CRUEL PUNISHMENT 409

*^good nature," Cook let it be understood that if on his
return he did not find him in as prosperous a condition
as he was now, some one would feel the weight of his
resentment. Things went on quite smoothly for some
time, but one evening a man got into the observatory
and stole a sextant, which, Gilbert says, belonged to
Mr Bayley. Cook made a demand to the chiefs at
once for its return, but they happened to be attending
a theatrical entertainment, and finding they paid little
attention to his complaint, and the thief being pointed
out, he had him seized and conveyed on board ship.
The sextant was recovered, but the man was cruelly
punished. Cook, with evident regret for his own
severity, says, that finding him to be **a hardened
scoundrel, I punished him with greater severity than
I had ever done any one before, and then dismissed
him." He is said to have had his head shaved and
his ears cut off; but Gilbert says this was not done until
he had been rearrested for destroying or carrying off
plants from Omai's garden, attempting to burn down
the house, and threatening to kill Omai as soon as
the ships should leave. When he was captured this
second time, it was Cook's intention to remove him
from the island altogether, but he stole the key of his
irons from the guard who had fallen asleep, and made his
escape. An enquiry was held, and as it was found
that the night watches, whilst at anchor, had been very
carelessly kept, fresh and very stringent orders were
issued. Omai found that his stock of pots and pans,
plates, and glasses, did not attract much attention from
his countrymen, and came to the conclusion

*Uhat a baked hog eat better than a boiled one, that
a plantain leaf made as good a dish or plate as pewter,
and that a cocoanut shell was as good to drink out of
as a blackjack, therefore he very wisely disposed of
as many of these things as he could to the people of
the ships, for hatchets and other useful articles."

4IO 1776-1777— "THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

Before leaving the island Cook ordered the following
inscription to be cut on the end of Omai's house :

Georgius Tertius Rex 2 Novembris 1777

^ i Resolution Jac. Cook Pr.
\ Discovery Car. Clerke Pr.

After firing a salute of five guns, the ships sailed on
2nd November. Omai accompanied them for a short
distance, leaving in a boat that was sent back, in charge
of Mr King, for a portion of a hawser which had parted
when they were making sail. King says that when
Omai bade good-bye to the officers he was considerably
moved, but when he parted with Cook he completely
broke down, and wept all the way ashore. The two
New Zealanders who had accompanied Omai were
also landed, the elder, described by Cook as, **an
exceedingly well-disposed young man, with strong
natural parts and capable of receiving any instruction,"
resigned himself very contentedly to end his days in
these islands ; but the younger one had attached him-
self so strongly to the people of the ship that he refused
to leave, and had to be forcibly carried on shore. Had
Cook thought there was '^ the most distant possibility of
any ship being sent out again to New Zealand, I would
have brought the two youths of that country home with
me."

Cook speaks highly of Omai's good nature and
docility and says ^'during the whole time he was with
me, I very seldom had reason to find fault with his
conduct." He was grateful and had a tolerable share of
understanding, but wanted in application and persever-
ance, and his powers of observation were not great.
These faults were characteristic of his race, and Cook
particularly notes that though several European ships
had visited the islands, he was unable to see that the
inhabitants had obtained any ideas from their visitors.

XVI.] DESERTIONS 411

He was in great hopes that Omai would succeed in
bringing his garden to perfection, and would thus make
a valuable addition to the products of the island, and
he looked upon the animals he had landed as the
most important result of Omai's visit to England.
Omai's portrait was painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds,
Dance, and Hodges.

On 3rd November the ships anchored off Ulietea,
and as usual were at once surrounded by canoes loaded
with roots, fruits, and hogs for sale. As the two vessels
were able to run close in, the ballast ports were opened
and stagings were erected, so that the rats which had
become very troublesome might have a chance to land.
One of the marines, John Harrison, who had been
standing sentry over the observatory, deserted, taking
his musket with him, and Cook applied to the chief
for his surrender. A promise was given that he should
be returned that night, but as he did not appear and
as several small robberies were committed. Cook landed
a small party, marched to where he heard the deserter
was in hiding, and succeeded in arresting him. He
pleaded that he had been enticed away, and as he
had previously borne a very good character, and *^as
it appeared that he remained upon his post till within
a few minutes of the time he was to have been relieved,
the punishment I inflicted upon him was not great."
Ledyard says he received ^*a short imprisonment."

A second desertion also occurred which might have
led to more serious results. Mr Mouat, a midshipman
belonging to the Discovery^ and a seaman from the
same ship, deserted, and Captain Gierke went to look
for them, only to find himself continually led astray by
false reports from the natives. Cook, knowing that
several men belonging to both ships were only too
anxious to remain in the islands if they could get the
chance, determined that they must be recovered at any
cost, and went out himself to search. He soon dis-

412 1 776-1 777— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

covered that they had sailed in a canoe for Bolabola,
so he at once sent a message to Opooney, ordering him
to arrest the men and return them to the ship. The
messenger was instructed on no account to return
without them, and he was to tell Opooney that if
they had left Bolabola for any other of the islands
he was to send after them. The chief of Ulietea with
his son, daughter, and son-in-law went on board, and
Cook decided to detain the last three as hostages, so
Gierke invited them to visit the Discovery^ and made
them prisoners in his cabin, and the chief was informed
that they would have to stay till the deserters were
returned. At first he was very much afraid that he
was also to be kept a prisoner. The next day a rumour
reached Cook that Clerke and Gore had been seized by
the natives in retaliation, so he at once ordered out
armed parties, one under King, to rescue them,
one in boats to follow up the canoes, in which some
of the people were flying, and a third to cut off the
retreat along the shore. They were hardly out of
sight, when Cook discovered that he had been mis-
informed and they were at once recalled, but it was
afterwards ascertained that there was a plot to seize
Cook himself when he went for his accustomed fresh
water bath, to which he often went alone, and always
unarmed ; but this evening, owing to the disturbances
about the desertions, he did not go, although he was
asked several times by the chief if he was not going.
The people made no scruple the next day of talking
about this plan and its want of success. Three days
afterwards the deserters were returned from Bolabola,
and as soon as they were safe on board the hostages
were released. Cook says the whole affair gave him
far more trouble than both men were worth, and he
only insisted on getting them back in order to prevent
others from following their example, and

"to save the son of a brother officer from being lost

XVI.] OMAI ALL WELL

413

to the world, for I could soon have supplied their places
with volunteers that would have answered our purpose
full as well if not better."

It may here be noted that Burney states that Cook
was unable to swim.

Before leaving Ulietea a message was received from
Omai to say that he was well, but his goat was dead,
and he would be glad if it could be replaced, and he
would also like to be supplied with two more axes.
Gierke was able to let him have two kids, one of
either sex, and Cook obliged him with the two axes
requested.

CHAPTER XVII

1777-1779 — THIRD VOYAGE — CONTINUED

Clerke was now given his orders in case the ships
might separate on their way to the coast of North
America : he was to cruise for five days near the
place where his consort was last seen, and then to
proceed to **the coast of New Albion" (so named by
its discoverer, Sir Francis Drake, from its supposed
resemblance to the white cliffs of old England),
endeavouring to fall in with it about latitude 45° N.,
and there again cruise at a convenient distance from
the coast for ten days, and if then unsuccessful in
picking up the Resolution^ he was to put into the first
suitable port north of 45°, and recruit his men, at the
same time keeping a good look-out for his companion.
If still unable to find his consort, he was to put to sea
on I St April, and sailing north to latitude 56°, he was
to cruise at a distance of not more than fifteen leagues
from the coast until loth May, when he was to proceed
northwards, and endeavour to find a passage to the
Atlantic through Hudson's or Baffin's Bay, according
to the Admiralty instructions already in his hands.
If unable to find any passage, he was to winter in
the harbour of St Peter and St Paul in Kamtschatka,
or, if he found that unsuitable, he was to go where
he judged best, first leaving word with the Governor
where he intended to winter, and then to return not
later than loth May in the following year. If, at
that time, he did not receive news of the Resolution^

414

XVII.] AN ECLIPSE OF THE SUN 415

he was to follow out the instructions of the Admiralty
to the best of his ability.

After being detained by adverse winds for several
days, the ships were towed out of the harbour by
the boats on 7th December, and sailed for Bolabola
to try and obtain an anchor which had been left at
Otaheite by De Bougainville, and afterwards sent as
a present to the chief of Bolabola. They were not in
want of an anchor, but hatchets were in such demand
as a medium of exchange that they were driven to
making them out of old iron in order to prevent
running short. No difficulty was found in purchasing
it from Opooney, who refused to receive anything for
it till it was safe on board ship, and then Cook was
to send him what he liked. It was found to be
imperfect, and not so heavy as expected, but was
good enough for the required purpose.

On leaving Bolabola they steered to the north with
a favourable wind, crossing the line on the 23rd in
longitude 203° 15' E. without having seen land; but
at about 8° S., some birds had been noticed which
were never found far out at sea. Two days after
crossing the Equator, a low island was seen, and
Cook anchored in hopes of getting a supply of turtle,
and after remaining a day or two was fairly successful.
At the same place an eclipse of the sun was observed
on the 30th, but the observations were not very
successful, owing to the clouds which completely
obscured the commencement, but it was clear at the
end. Burney says that the observations were taken
by Bailey, King, Clerke, Bligh, and Cook, but that
Bligh missed the commencement, and Cook had no
dark glass, so that only the first three obtained observa-
tions, and he gives their times as

Bailey .

.

HRS. MIN. SECS.
. II 46 23I

King .

.

. II 46 28

Clerke .

.

• II 47 5

4i6 1777-1779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

He then goes on to say that the end was obscured
by clouds, but that it was of no great importance as
the longitude had been settled by other observations.

Cook, on the other hand, gives no times for the
commencement, but for the end gives the following :

Bailey .
King .
Cook .

HRS. MIN. SECS

. 0 26 3
. 0 26 I
. 0 25 37

He explains the difference between himself and the
other two by saying that there was a protuberance on
the surface of the moon's shadow, which he had not
noticed, but the others had. Two such different accounts
of the same event are difficult to reconcile, and the idea
suggests itself that Burney had received his information
at second hand, and did not quite grasp what he had
been told.

Whilst turtle hunting, two of the men of the
Discovery got lost, and after about twenty-four hours,
one turned up almost dead with thirst, and the other
one was found the next day. Cook remarks that it was
strange they should have been lost for such a length
of time, as the ship's masts were to be seen from almost
any part of the island, but they appear never to have
thought of looking for them. About three hundred
turtles were obtained, averaging from 90 to 100 pounds
each, *'all of the green kind, and perhaps as good as
any in the world." They also caught as much fish
as they were able to consume during their stay. Cocoa-
nuts, yams, and melons were planted on a small island
at the entrance to the lagoons, and a bottle was placed
where it would be easily found, containing the date and
the names of the two ships. The island received the
name of Christmas Island as that festival had been
celebrated there.

On 2nd January 1778, the two ships weighed anchor,
resumed their voyage to the north, and did not sight

XVII.] A LAND OF PLENTY 417

land again until in latitude 21' 12' 30'' N., several
islands were discovered which were eventually named
after the Earl of Sandwich. Owing to the direction
of the wind, they were not able to reach the first one
seen, so made for a second, called by the natives Atoui,
and were very soon met by canoes coming out to them.
The occupants proved to be very like the Otaheitans
in appearance and spoke the same language. Their
only weapons consisted of stones, which they threw
overboard as soon as they found they were not likely
to be required. They came close alongside the ships,
but could not be tempted to board ; they freely
exchanged fish for anything they could get, showing
a marked preference for nails.

Finding no suitable anchorage, the ships sailed
along the south-eastern coast of the island, the canoes
quickly dropping astern, their places being as quickly
occupied by others which brought pigs, and some
very fine potatoes, and exchanged them for anything
offered. This arrival at a land of plenty was fortunate,
as the supply of turtle, their only fresh food, was just
finished, and Cook was looking anxiously forward to
an opportunity of obtaining further fresh provisions,
both for the sake of the health of his crews, and to
save his sea stores. Several villages were seen as
they passed along, the inhabitants crowding to the
different points of vantage to gaze on the strange
sight of the vessels sailing by. After a time some
of the natives were persuaded to come on board, and
Cook says he never saw any people more surprised,
**the wildness of their looks expressing their astonish-
ment." The novelty of their surroundings did not last
very long, and they soon began to show they were
quite alive to their own interests. The first man who
came on board took a fancy to the small lead line, put
it into his canoe, and was with some little difficulty
persuaded to return it. A second stole the cook's

2 D

4i8 1777-1779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

cleaver, and leaping overboard with it, got to his
canoe, and although immediately followed by boats
from the ship managed to reach the shore, and got
clear away. Gilbert says that the natives attempted
to upset a boat that was employed looking for a
landing-place in the surf, and that they would not
desist from their attempts till they were fired on and
one native wounded ; but the next day they were as
friendly as if nothing of the kind had happened.

Anchorage was at length found near one of the
villages close to a large pond, and Cook landed to
ascertain the quality of the water and the disposition
of the inhabitants. As soon as he set foot on shore a
large crowd pressed forward to meet him, and throwing
themselves flat on their faces remained in that position
till he signed to them to rise. They then brought
forward a great many small pigs, which they presented
to their visitors without appearing to care whether they
got anything in exchange or not ; but Cook distributed
amongst them the goods he had brought with him.
The water proved of good quality and conveniently
situated, so a party was taken on shore the next day
and set to work to water the ships, the natives readily
assisting in rolling the casks to and from the shore ; and
at the same time a brisk trade in pigs and potatoes was
carried on.

When everything had settled down into working
order, Cook, Anderson, and Webber, accompanied by
one of the natives, and followed by a considerable
number of others at a little distance, went for a short
tour of inspection, and were greeted by all whom they
met with what appeared to be the usual salutation to
great chiefs, namely, the natives threw themselves down
on their faces and remained in that position till they had
passed on. Webber took a sketch of a Morai or burial
place similar to those in Otaheite, but it had a remark-
•^ble feature in a sort of pyramid built of poles about four

XVII.] A NATIVE GRAVEYARD 419

feet square at the base, and perhaps twenty feet high ;
it had apparently originally been covered with a sort
of thin grey cloth which was specially reserved for
religious purposes and ceremonials. Along one side
of the Morai was a shed about forty feet long, in the
centre of which was a block of timber placed on end,
which Cook calls an altar, and on either side a rudely
carved female figure, said by their guide to be representa-
tions of goddesses ; but as no objection was raised to a
close examination, it was concluded that they were not
looked upon with any very great veneration. The
graves themselves were a little lower than the ordinary
level of the ground, and were edged round with stones,
and the whole place was surrounded by a stone wall
about four feet high.

Cook was very well satisfied with the amount of
trading done, as he had obtained from sixty to eighty
pigs, a few fowls, a quantity of potatoes, some yams
and some taro, and he says, ' * No people could trade
with more honesty than these people, never once
attempting to cheat us, either ashore or alongside the
ship," and they seem very soon to have given up
their endeavours to steal. At night it came on to
rain and blow and a nasty sea got up, but still a few
canoes managed to get out to trade. Thinking that
the position of his ship was not very safe, Cook weighed
anchor with the intention of moving a little further out,
but the wind veered suddenly round to the east, and
he had to set all sail to clear the shore. The current
rendered it very difficult for him to recover the desired
position, so he signalled to the Discovery to follow him,
picked up his boats which had been away for water,
and stood away for the west end of the island. Finding
no shelter from the swell which was breaking in heavy
surf on shore, he bore away for Eneeheeow, to look
for a more favourable place. When about a couple
of leagues from the island he turned back for the

420 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

Discovery, as nothing had been seen of her since she
was ordered to follow, and he thought she might perhaps
have got into difficulties. She was, however, soon picked
up, and the two vessels took up their new berth near a
village, Gore being sent to look for water, which was
found about half a mile inland, but the supply was not
large and the road to it very rough. Next day Gore
again went ashore to trade, and managed to get a good
supply of yams and some salt, but most of the last was
lost in attempting to get to the boats as the surf was
very heavy, and before evening had become so bad that
the party were unable to return to the ships. The next
day it was still worse, but Cook from his ship discovered
a place that appeared somewhat sheltered and ordered
the men to march to it, and then, going himself with the
boats, brought the party off with little difficulty. At
the same time he left with a man, who appeared to be
a chief, an English sow and boar, and a male and two
female goats. Whilst his men were engaged filling some
water casks he took a short walk, finding the ground
rough, stony and uncultivated, but covered with vegeta-
tion, ^*some of which sent forth the most fragrant smell
I had anywhere met with in this sea." A few roots,
some salt and salt fish were obtained, and they returned
to the ship intending to land again the next day, but
the anchor dragged in the night, and by the time they
had it up they had drifted so far that he determined to
delay no longer, and, signalling to the Discovery to
follow, stood away to the north.

The chiefs of these islands wore, on state occasions,
feather cloaks and helmets beautifully constructed with
the red and yellow feathers that the natives appear to
value so much. The potatoes obtained were sweet and
good, and the taro root was the best Cook had ever
tasted, whilst the salt fish was also good and kept well.
The Resolution obtained three weeks' provisions, and the
Discovery enough roots to last two months.

t

XVII.] SPANISH DISCOVERERS 421

Baron von Humboldt in *' Cosmos," states that one
of this group of islands was discovered in 1542 by a
Spaniard named Gaetano, when on the voyage between
Manilla and Acapulco. It seems extraordinary that
more discoveries were not made by the Spaniards
during these voyages across the Pacific ; but M. I'Abbe
Raynal accounts for it by stating that the strictest
orders were given by the Spanish Government, to the
effect that captains were on no account to deviate from
the track laid down on their charts during the voyage
between these two places. On the charts which were
supplied to Cook there is an island shown, named ^' La
Mesa" (the table), in longitude 214° 50' E., and Burney
thinks it may possibly be meant for Owhyhee, as the
name is very appropriate, but he finds the longitude
to be 203° 30' E.

Manley Hopkins, in his book on Hawaii, states that
the natives have traditions of the arrival of strangers
long before Cook's time ; they are said to have arrived
in a boat without sails, and to have been dressed in
red and yellow, the Spanish colours, the leader wearing
a sword. They took a part in the government of the
island, so must have made some considerable stay.
He places their arrival somewhere about 1600, and
also says that Cook during his visit found two pieces of
iron, one being evidently part of a broadsword and
the other a piece of hoop iron. Burney notes, under
date 2nd February 1778, the day they left Eneeheeow,
that they saw a piece of a sword said to have come
from an island in the south-east (probably Owhyhee).

On 2nd February the ships left the Sandwich Islands
for the north, and saw no signs of land until the 25th,
when in latitude 42° 30', longitude 219° E., some of the
rockweed known as sea leek was found. On the 27th a
sailor named Thomas Goodman had the misfortune to
fall from the rigging on board the Discovery^ and broke
his collar bone. On 6th March two seals and several

422 I777-I779— 'THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

whales were noticed, and the next day New Albion
was sighted at a distance of ten or twelve leagues.
At noon the Resolution's position was 44" 33' N.,
236° 30' E., and Cook's orders had been to strike it
*^ about 45° N." The land appeared to be of a
moderate height, diversified with hill and valley, and
almost everywhere covered with trees, but with no
remarkable points about it, excepting one flat-topped
hill. Soon after passing a headland very bad weather
was experienced, and consequently the name Cape Foul
Weather takes its place on the chart, and its position
is given as 44° 55' N., 235° 54 E. Cook notes that
just about where he struck the coast his charts showed a

* Marge entrance or strait, the discovery of which they
ascribe to Martin d'Aguilar in 1603, but in the account
of his voyage, there is nothing mentioned but a large
river which he could have entered, but was prevented
by the currents."

As the weather continued very stormy and unsettled,
their progress up the coast was necessarily very slow,
and by 22nd March they were only passing Cape
Flattery, the place where the geographers had put
*'the strait of Juan de Fuch " ; but Cook was unable
to find any signs of such straits ever having existed.
On 29th March the coast assumed a very different
appearance, being **full of high mountains covered
with snow, but the valleys between them and the land
on the sea coast, high as well as low, well cloathed
with wood." Here was discovered a large bay which
was named Hope Bay, *Mn which from the appearance
of the land we hoped to find a good harbour, and the
event proved we were not mistaken." This harbour
was found in an inlet, and it was soon discovered that
the country was inhabited, as the natives put off in their
canoes, and showed neither fear nor distrust of their
visitors. They appeared to be a mild and inoffensive

XVII.] A FALSE ALARM 423

race at first, and were willing to trade anything they
had with them, iron being the article most desired in
exchange, and they did not care for either beads or
clothing. After they got used to the ships, however,
they turned out to be adepts at thieving ; no piece of
iron was safe, they cut off the large fish-hooks from
the lines, and even stripped the fittings from the boats.
Brass and copper was also taken, and Cook says :

** Before we left the place, hardly a bit of brass was
left in the ship, except what was in the necessary
instruments. Whole suits of clothes were stripped of
every button. Bureaux, etc., of their furniture, and
copper kettles, tin canisters, candle-sticks, etc., all went
to wreck, so that these people got a greater medly and
variety of things from us than any other people we had
visited."

It would seem in this quotation that Cook does not
confine his remarks to what was stolen, but includes
also what was given in exchange. They were detected
adding water to the bladders of oil they sold, but it
was thought advisable to wink at the fraud.

The observatory was set up on shore, and arrange-
ments were made for getting in supplies of wood and
water, and for doing such repairs as had become
necessary to the ships. On 4th April, the natives,
who, beyond their thieving propensities, had given no
trouble, assembled near where a party was at work
getting wood and water, and were observed to be
arming, those who had no weapons taking up sticks
and stones. This occasioned some alarm, and all the
English were ordered to the observatory, and an armed
party was landed to join them. The Indians then
explained that they intended no harm to the Europeans,
but were preparing to meet some of their own country-
men who were coming to fight them. After a time
a number of canoes appeared, one or two went out

424 I777-I779— 'T'HIRD VOYAGE [chap.

to meet them, and a discussion ensued, and matters
seemed to be satisfactorily arranged ; but the strangers
were not allowed to approach the ships nor to join
in trading.

The stay at this place was longer than was expected,
for when everything seemed ready for sailing, the
foremast of the Resolution was found to be very defective,
and it had to be taken out for repairs ; fortunately
plenty of timber was available, and the opportunity
was taken to fit an entirely new set of standing rigging
to the mainmast, and a set for the foremast out of
the best of the old. The mizzen also was found to
be very rotten, and was replaced ; the first stick proved
faulty when a good deal of work had been done on
it, and a second one had to be obtained. The weather
also caused considerable delay, being very bad for
some time, but on the first fine day they had had
for a fortnight, they got up the topmasts and yards.
The heaviest of the work being thus completed.
Cook went through King George's Sound, as he had
named it (the native name being Natooka) on a tour
of inspection. He visited a large village, where he
was courteously received by the inhabitants, to most of
whom he was known, and was invited into their houses,
in many of which he found women at work making
dresses out of bark in much the same manner as that
employed by the New Zealanders, whilst others were
engaged in curing fish. Further up the Sound a
deserted village was seen with large fishing weirs close
by, but apparently quite neglected; they were near a
small plain on which grew ^^some of the largest pine
trees I ever saw, whereas the elevated ground on
most parts of this side the Sound was rather naked."
On the opposite side they came across another village,
but though the chief was given a present he was very
surly, and anxious for them to go away. Some of the
ladies, however, were more agreeable, and dressing

xvir.] TOO MANY PROPRIETORS 425

themselves in their best, entertained their visitors with
a song, ''which was far from being harsh or dis-
agreeable."

One day Cook and Gierke paid a second visit to the
village where they had been so well received, and
sent their boat's crew to cut some grass for the few
sheep and goats that were still left, but when they were
seen by the natives a claim was immediately made for
it. Cook went to arrange matters, and thought he
had satisfied all demands, but when he ordered his
men to go on cutting, new owners sprang up, till he
says there did not seem to be a blade of grass that
had not a separate owner, and he soon had his pockets
empty. When it was found that there was nothing
more to be obtained, the grass cutting was allowed to
go on wherever the sailors liked.

The people are described as being short, with broad,
flat faces and high cheek bones, plump cheeks, swarthy
complexions, and no pretensions to good looks ; the
hair long, black, and straight, and their legs crooked
with much sitting. Burney says that at first they did
not discover them to be white, but after much cleaning
they were found to have skins "like our people in
England." Cook says they appeared to be a docile,
courteous, and good-natured people, but passionate, and
quick at resenting injuries.

" I never found that these fits of passion went further
than the parties concerned, either with us or among
themselves, the others never troubled themselves about
it, nay, often with so much indifference as if they did
not see it. I have often seen a man rave and scold
for more than half an hour without anyone taking the
least notice of it, nor could anyone of us tell who it
was he was abusing."

Burney describes their language as harsh, and as
apparently insufficient to express their feelings when in
a passion or in earnest discourse, on which occasions it

426 i777-i779-~THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

was eked out with such nods and jumps as reminded the
onlooker of '* Punch and the Devil." Cook describes
their clothing as consisting of

** skins of animals chiefly, and they also made some kind
of cloth manufactured from fibre or wool and hair, or
a mixture of both. In these clothes, with the addition
of a coarse mat and a strong straw hat, they would
sit in their canoes through the heaviest rain as uncon-
cernedly as if they were in perfect shelter."

They had also wooden masks made in imitation of
human faces, birds, or animals, but whether they were
for protection when fighting, decoys when hunting, or
ornaments at their public entertainments. Cook was
unable to decide. Their songs bore considerable
resemblance to those of the New Zealanders. Their
houses were substantially built of logs and boards
obtained by splitting large trees, and were some of
them as much as 150 feet long by 25 to 30 feet wide,
and 7 or 8 feet high, divided into compartments, each
of which appeared to be the property of one family.
The roof was formed of loose planks which they moved
about as they wished, so that the light might fall in any
compartment. From this Cook judged that these were
only temporary summer residences which they occupied
when they came to fish, and that they probably had
better houses inland, to which they repaired for the
winter hunting. The furniture consisted of a few boxes,
some wooden vessels for their food, and a few mat bags,
etc. Their cooking was fairly good, but excessively
dirty, and their persons and houses '^filthy as hogs'
sties."

They had often two wooden figures in their houses,
something like human figures, of which they spoke
in a rather mysterious manner, but it was not thought
that they were much venerated, for Cook says he could
have bought the whole lot for but a small quantity

XVII.] A WATCH THIEF 427

of old iron or brass. Their arms consisted of bows
and arrows, slings, spears, a small club of wood or
stone, something like the New Zealand *^patoo," and
a stone tomahawk, the handle fashioned like a human
head, the stone cutting-part being a large tongue.
These last were often decorated with human hair. For
defensive purposes they had a double cloak of hide,
usually moose, very serviceable against an arrow or a
spear ; but they were greatly surprised to see a bullet
penetrate through one folded four times.

The only animals seen were racoons and something
resembling a polecat ; but amongst the skins obtained
were wolf, bear, deer, marten, fox, ermine, seal, sea-
beaver, etc., etc. No dogs were seen. Land and water-
fowl were scarce, and, with the exception of the ravens
and crows, were very shy. The only vegetables obtained
were a few nettles and wild garlic, and spruce for beer-
making ; but Burney says that at the back of the village
there was a large plantation of cherry trees, gooseberry
and currant bushes, raspberries and strawberries, ^'but
unluckily for us none of them in season." He also says
that on 20th April a native who had been allowed to go
into Cook's cabin, carried off his watch, and managed
to leave the ship before it was missed. Fortunately his
canoe was seen to be alongside the Discovery and notice
of the loss was at once sent, a search made, and the watch
found hidden away in a box in the canoe. Burney also
says that they purchased from the Indians two old-
fashioned silver tablespoons, supposed to be Spanish,
and a pewter wash-hand basin.

On 26th April they at length managed to make a
start, though the weather was very threatening, and
some few of the natives accompanied them till they
were nearly out of the Sound. One chief who had
specially attached himself to Cook during their stay,
being given a small present at parting, gave in return
a valuable beaver skin, so Cook added to his former

428 I777-I779— 'THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

gift, when the chief insisted on presenting him with a
beaver cloak on which he had always appeared to set
o-reat value. In return for this, Cook says he was made
'^ as happy as a prince by the gift of a new broadsword
with a brass hilt." The following day they were well
clear of the land, and heading for the north-west,
the direction in which the coast appeared to trend. In
the afternoon the wind increased to a perfect hurricane,
and Cook, deeming it unsafe to attempt to run before it,
ordered both ships to lay to, heading to the south-east.
The Resolution sprang a-leak, and the water could be
seen and heard rushing in ; the fish-room was soon
flooded and the casks were all floating about, but after
some trouble and anxiety, one pump was found to be
sufficient to keep the upper hand of the leak. The
gale lasted for two days, clearing on the second one
sufficiently to enable an observation to be taken, which
gave the position as 50° \' N., 229° 26' E. ; but Cook
regretted that the weather prevented him from getting
any bearing on the coast, as they were then about
opposite to that part marked on his charts as ''Straits
of de Fonte."

On 2nd May a group of small islands was passed
in 56° 48' N., and Mount Edgcombe on the mainland
was named. They could now run along the coast
within such a distance as enabled them to see and name
the most salient points, but time was too valuable
to make any halts by the way. The land appeared to
be of considerable height, and the hills were covered
with snow ; but close to the sea it was free and well
wooded. Mount St Elias was sighted on 4th May, at
a distance of forty leagues, and on the 6th they arrived
in the bay in which it was believed Behring had
anchored, so his name was given to it on the chart.
Soon afterwards the land trended away more to the
west, and the wind being westerly and very light, the
progress was slow. They attempted to put into a small

xviL] AN ILL-TIMED VISIT

429

bay near Point Suckling in order to attend to the leak
in the Resolution^ but owing, first to a shift in the wind,
and then to a calm coming on, they were not able to do
so. Cook landed on an island to try to get a view of
the land on the other side, but the hills proved so long,
steep, and thickly wooded, that he was obliged to give
up the attempt. He left a bottle containing the ships'
names, the date of the visit, and two silver twopenny
pieces (1772), which had been given to him by his friend,
Dr Kaye, and gave the island that gentleman's name.
Currant and strawberry plants were found, but it was
too early for fruit.

Near Cape Hinchinbroke the ships put into an
inlet, and were made as secure as possible, as a thick
fog came on. As soon as the weather cleared Gore went
off to shoot on some rocky islets near, but when
almost there he saw two large canoes containing about
twenty Indians, and he thought it wiser to. return
to the ship, to which he was followed by the canoes,
but they did not venture very close. Some presents
were thrown to them, and the natives, after making
signs which were supposed to signify friendship, retired
with the intimation that they would return in the
morning. Two of them, however, each in a small
canoe, paid their visit during the night, but finding
that, contrary to their expectation, every one on board
was not asleep, they beat a hurried retreat. The next
day the ships were moored in better positions, and
more Indians turning up, they had little difficulty in
entering into friendly relations with them. They
readily parted with what goods they had, chiefly skins,
and were anxious to obtain iron in exchange, but as
they preferred, it in pieces about ten inches long by
three wide, and it was becoming rather a scarce article
on board, they did not get much of it.

At the first only one man had ventured on board the
Discovery^ and he, as he saw only one or two of the crew

430 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

on deck, came to the conclusion that he had found a great
opportunity for himself and his friends. He went
to the Resolution in search of assistance and then back
to the Discovery^ and they rushed the deck with their
knives drawn, but had only time to throw the rudder
of a boat overboard, when the crew ran up armed with
their cutlasses, and the invaders retired remarking to
each other that the white men's knives were longer than
theirs. They then went off towards a boat that was
sounding, and the officer in charge thought it better to
return to his ship. The natives attempted to seize the
boat when all had left it except the caretakers, but were
driven off by the boats' crew. Burney says that at
the same time those near the Resolution broke all the
glass scuttles they could manage to reach with their
paddles. Cook points out that they must have been
totally ignorant of fire-arms, and concludes his account
of the affair by saying :

** However, after all these tricks, we had the good
fortune to leave them as ignorant as we found them, for
they neither heard nor saw a musket fired unless at
birds."

On the 14th, just as they were about to weigh anchor,
it came on to blow, and as it did not show any signs
of moderating. Cook decided to heel his ship, which
was well sheltered, and repair the leak. A kedge
anchor was carried out in a boat, and in heaving it
overboard a sailor got caught in the buoy rope and was
carried down to the bottom, but managed to disengage
himself and was picked up— but one of his legs was
badly fractured. The leak was found to be caused by
the openness of the seams, in several places it was
found that the oakum had entirely disappeared. One
writer says that it was caused by the rats, and that the
ship was only saved through the leak having been
choked up by rubbish.

XVII.] THE LATEST FASHIONS 431

The natives, who had been away during the bad
weather, now returned, and Cook had the opportunity
of studying them and their customs. He had with him
a description of the Esquimaux written by Crantz, and
found this people to be very similar in many respects ;
he describes them as being a thickset, good-looking
people with features and language widely different from
the inhabitants of Nootka Sound. Their boats were
made of skins stretched on a wooden frame like those
of the Greenlanders, there being a slight difference in
form at both prow and stern. The dress was similar
to that described by Crantz, the undergarments being
of skins worn with the hair side out. Some of the
women, over these clothes, wore a bearskin, and most
of the men had a sort of shirt made from what Cook
thought was the intestine of the whale ; it was tied
round the neck and arms and secured to the rim
surrounding the hole in the canoe cover in which they
sat, and they were thus rendered quite waterproof.
The men wore a conical straw cap, but the women
had no head-dress. The men wore beards which they
ornamented with beads or pieces of bone, and the
women were tattooed in imitation. They all had the
bottom lip slip horizontally, giving them the appear-
ance of having two mouths. In these slits pieces of
bone were fixed, and other pieces tied to the first with
thread, forming a great impediment to their speech,
and sometimes giving the wearers the appearance of
having a double set of teeth. Some also had pieces
of bone, beads, or cord run through the cartilage of
the nose, and they all had their faces plentifully smeared
with black and red paint. Their arms were similar to
those described by Crantz, and they had a sort of
defensive armour made of slips of wood fastened
together with sinews. As none of them lived near
the bay, there was no opportunity of seeing anything
of any of their dwellings.

432 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

The weather at length cleared up, and they were
able to go out in the boats to examine the bay which
had been given the suggestive name of Snug Corner
Bay. The shore was, as a rule, low and partly covered
with spruce or fir of some size, the open ground had
snow two or three feet deep on it. The surrounding
hills were completely covered with timber, but further
inland the heights appeared to be rocky and clad with
snow. A good many ducks and geese were seen, but
they were so wild it was difficult to get a shot at them.

On 17th May the repairs were completed and anchors
weighed for a trip up the inlet to make sure that there
was no possibility of a passage to the north-east. They
got amongst ^' very foul ground," and the wind dropped
so they anchored for the night, and next morning Mr
Gore with two boats was sent to examine an arm that
ran to the north, and Mr Bligh with two more boats
went to one running in an easterly direction. Mr Bligh
soon found his arm returned again into the inlet, but
Mr Gore reported an offshoot which he thought might
lead them to the north-east. However, Mr Roberts,
Masters' Mate, who had accompanied Gore to sketch,
believed that they had seen the end of it, and as the
set of the tide seemed to Cook to render the probability
of any passage being found, very unlikely, and as the
wind was now favourable, they returned on their track,
and seeing another passage were able to shorten their
journey to the open sea considerably. The island that
they had thus sailed round was named Montagu Island,
and several others were noted near the entrance, the
outer ones being high and rocky and the inner ones
were low and covered with verdure, and in consequence
received the name of the Green Islands, whilst the inlet
was called Sandwich Sound.

Their course was now south-west past Cape Elizabeth,
a lofty headland named after Princess Elizabeth, as it
was sighted on her birthday, and they were in hopes

XVII.] COOK'S RIVER

433

that it was the western extremity of the coast, as they
could see nothing further in that direction, but shortly
after rounding the Cape, land was reported in the west-
south-west and a gale springing up they were forced
off their course. In two days they managed to get
back again and discovered more land behind what had
been previously seen extending to the south-south-west ;
it appeared to consist of a range of high mountains
covered with snow. Cook thought this was Cape Saint
Hermogenes, mentioned by Behring, but could not feel
certain, as the English version of his voyage that he had
with him was so abridged, and the chart so inaccurate,
that he could not positively identify any place mentioned
therein.

On nearer approach this land was found to consist
of a number of islands and, passing to leeward, a
promontory opened out, formed of two high mountains,
and was named Cape Douglas, after the then Dean
of Windsor, its position being given as 58° 56' N.,
206'' 10' E. On the following day more mountains
were observed to the north, and the highest point was
named Mount St Augustine, as it was that saint's day.
It was at first thought that these mountains were quite
unconnected with Cape Elizabeth, and on nearer approach
Cook altered his opinion, but it eventually proved that
his first idea was correct. In order to satisfy the doubts
of some of his officers rather than his own, they worked
up a large estuary formed by two rivers, one of which
he named Turnagain, and the other was named by Lord
Sandwich's orders. Cook's River, and after having con-
vinced every one that there was no possibility of any
communication with Hudson's Bay, they returned to
the open sea. During the short time spent in this
estuary they were visited by a few of the natives, who
did not seem to differ in any way from the inhabitants
of Sandwich Sound. On 2nd June the Resolution struck
on a mud bank owing to the carelessness of the leads-

2 E

434 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

man, but floated off undamaged at high tide, and the
Discovery nearly suffered the same mishap at the other
end of the bank. They obtained a good supply of very
fine salmon from the natives who were fishing in the
neighbourhood, and who were glad to exchange them
for anything they could get. Cook formed the opinion
that a paying fur trade might be established with these
Indians, although the distance from England was very
great ; but this distance would be lessened if he could
only discover a practicable north-west passage. As
the furs that were offered in trade were of considerable
value. Cook judged that there had been little com-
munication between these natives and the Russians.

After passing Cape Hermogenes they plied up the
coast with a south-east by south wind for three days in
misty, drizzly weather, and working gradually west-
wards passed through the islands off the American
coast, Quelpart, on the i8th, but it was not thought
advisable to run close in. Just as they got clear of
the islands the Discovery signalled that she wanted to
communicate, so a boat was sent to her and returned
with a small box curiously tied up with neatly made
twine. It had been delivered on board the Discovery
by an Indian who took off his cap and bowed like
an European, and after having performed his errand,
immediately left the ship. Ledyard says the messenger
first attracted the attention of the Discovery by display-
ing a pair of old plush breeches and a black cloth
waistcoat. On examination the box was found to
contain a paper which was considered, and it after-
wards proved to be correct, to be written in Russian, but
the only things understood by any one on board were
the two dates, 1778 in the heading and 1776 in the
body of the document. It was surmised that it had
been written by a Russian trader and given to the
native with instructions to place it on board the first
ship he saw.

XVII.] GREEN BREEKS 435

On the 20th in 54° 18' N., 195° 45' E. a volcano
throwing out a dense column of smoke was observed,
and they found themselves compelled to give the shore
a wider berth, as ridges of rocks running out as much as
seven leagues, rendered the navigation very dangerous.
In the afternoon a calm came on, and the crews were
very successfully employed in fishing, capturing over
a hundred halibut, weighing from twenty to as much
as a hundred pounds. They were here visited by a
man who had nothing to exchange except a grey fox
skin, and it was very evident that he had previously
been in contact with Europeans, for he took off his
cap and bowed like his compatriot, who had visited
the Discovery^ and he was wearing green cloth breeches,
and a cloth or stuff jacket. Unfortunately, they were
totally unable to understand his language, so no
information could be obtained from him.

On 26th June, during very thick weather, when it
was not possible to see a hundred yards from the ships,
breakers were heard, and the anchors were let go. An
hour or two later the fog lifted, and they found them-
selves about three-quarters of a mile from a rocky island,
having passed between two elevated rocks about half
a league apart, a place through which, says Cook,
**I should not have ventured in a clear day," but
after all they had **such an anchoring place that I
could not have chosen a better." A boat was sent
off, and grass and a few small plants were obtained,
one of which, something like parsley, was pronounced
good for either soups or salad, but no shrubs or trees
were to be seen.

On 27th June the island of Onalaschka, which was
at first thought to be several islands, was sighted, and
natives were seen towing in two whales they had killed.
A few of them came off to the ships and exchanged
some things of trifling value, but did not stay any
length of time. They were somewhat shy, but had

436 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

evidently seen ships before, and were more polite than
the Indians had been previously. Passing through a
channel between the island and some land to the north,
which was afterwards found also to be islands, they
experienced a very rapid tide running against them.
The Resolution managed to get through without any
great difficulty, but the Discovery was not so fortunate,
and only just managed to get clear after being in some
danger of running ashore. The coast now trended
away to the north, and they were in hopes that the
run to the westward was at an end. Coming to anchor
they were soon visited by natives, who readily exchanged
their fishing implements for tobacco. One of them
upset his canoe near one of the ship's boats, and was
immediately picked up, his own canoe floating away,
was towed ashore by a friend. Cook took him down
into the cabin and provided him with dry clothes, and
remarks, ^^he dressed himself with as much ease as
I could have done." His own clothes were made from
birds' skins, with the feathers inside, and patched in
several places with **silk stuff," and over these he wore
a shirt-like garment of whale's intestine, similar to
those seen at Sandwich Sound. It was very evident
from their behaviour that he and his people were not
strangers to Europeans ; but Cook says there appeared
to be something strange to them about the ships, for
**such as could not come off in canoes assembled on
the neighbouring hills to look at them."

They here received a second letter written in
Russian, but as it could not be translated by any one
on board, Cook returned it to the bearer and gave him
a few presents, and he retired bowing his thanks.
Whilst his men were engaged in getting in a supply
of water. Cook took a walk along the shore, and came
across a party of the natives feasting on ^'raw halibut,
which they eat with as much or more satisfaction as we
should a turbot served up with the most costly sauce."

XVII.] DEATH OF ANDERSON 437

They were detained in this neighbourhood by fogs
and contrary winds till 2nd July, when they were able
to get away to the north with a favourable breeze.
After a time, as no land appeared, the course was altered
to north-east, and about midnight it was sighted, and
the ships stood off and on till morning. On approach-
ing nearer at daylight, low ground destitute of timber
appeared with a backing of snow-clad hills. Williamson,
who was sent ashore, reported that he found a little grass
and a few scattered plants, but the general aspect was
barren and uninviting. He saw ''a doe and her fawn,"
and a dead sea-horse ; these last animals seemed plentiful,
as a good many had been noticed about that time.

From Cape Newenham the coast again took a more
northernly direction ; the bay, of which it forms the
northern limit, was named Bristol Bay after Admiral,
the Earl of Bristol. The inhabitants were found to be
similar to those with whom they had previously come
in contact, except that they were if possible dirtier, and
they did not appear to have had any intercourse with
Europeans.

On 3rd August Anderson, the surgeon of the
Resolution^ who had been ill for some months, died,
and Cook says of him, *' he was a sensible young man,
an agreeable companion, well skilled in his profession,
and had acquired much knowledge in other sciences."
An island which was sighted shortly after his death
was named Anderson's Island '^to perpetuate the
memory of the deceased, for whom I had a very great
regard." Mr Law was appointed to his place, and
Mr Samwell went to the Discovery as surgeon.

On 4th August land was seen, which was believed
to be the continent ; close to the sea it was very low,
but rose to a considerable altitude inland, and though
quite free from snow it was destitute of timber. In order
to secure a good view of the coast, they landed on
Sledge Island, so called from an old sledge found on

438 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

it, similar to those used by the Russians in Kamts-
chatka, but the weather was so thick as to prevent
them seeing anything. A few vegetables such as
wild parsley, long wort, etc., were found, and were
secured *^ for the pot." It was evident that the natives
visited the island frequently as a well-beaten path was
found from one end to the other, and some decayed
huts, partly underground, were seen.

Cape Prince of Wales, 65° 46' N., 191" 45' E.,
assumed to be the most western point of North America,
was seen on 9th August, and they thought that they
could also distinguish some people, huts, and fishing
stages. On the loth they landed on what, from
Heydinger's Chart, they took to be the eastern end
of the Island of Alaska, but it afterwards was found
to be the eastern extremity of Asia. Burney says this
chart proved *' not only to be incorrect but almost
unintelligible." The inhabitants were taller and stouter
built than those on the American side of the straits.
Their clothing was very superior, and they were armed
with spears and bows and arrows. Some of the quivers
for the last were of embroidered red leather. They
appeared frightened of their visitors, and although not
particularly unfriendly, would not put their weapons
out of their hands. Their winter huts were partly
underground, and were roofed over with grass and
earth, the entrance being through a hole in the roof.
The summer residencies were built of light timber
work covered with skins. They were willing to supply
the ships with a large quantity of salmon, but the
country round was very desolate, neither tree nor
shrub to be seen.

Leaving this place for the American shore, they were
in 70° 33' N., 197° 41' E. on the 17th when they fell in
with ** ice blink," rather earlier than had been expected,
and very soon afterwards with the ice itself in the shape
of a large field extending from west to east, as far as the

XVII.] AMIDST THE ICE

439

eye could reach. They now got a supply of fresh meat,
having killed a good many sea-horses. Burney says
that it was but indifferent eating, being very fishy, but
the blubber was very useful for the lamps. Cook, how-
ever, says that many preferred it to the salt meat, and it
was undoubtedly a valuable change. He also says :

**They did not appear to be the dangerous animal
some authors have described, not even when attacked,
they are rather more so to appearance than reality ; vast
numbers of them would follow and come close up to the
boats, but the flash of a musket in the pan, or even
pointing one at them would send them down in an
instant."

For some days flocks of ducks had been seen flying to
the south, and Cook judged that they had been north for
the breeding season, and were now returning to winter
in a warmer climate.

The ships steadily, but slowly, pushed up north along
the American shore, but were continually hampered by
the ice and fog, so on the 23rd the course was changed
to the west. Here, again, they were disappointed, for
on the 26th they found themselves embayed in the ice,
which was high, with a quantity of heavy loose floe-
ice along the edge of the main field. Cook concluded
that this ice was composed of frozen snow, that is glacier
ice, and not formed in the mouths of rivers as had been
suggested, for he says he found in it

**none of the productions of the land incorporated or
fixed in it, which must unavoidably have been the case
had it been formed in rivers either great or small."

Burney says that they were in constant dread of being
pinched, and when they made over to the Asiatic side,
they were so troubled by ice and fog that they were a
week in making the passage.

On 29th August Cape North was sighted, and named,

44d 1 777-1 779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

but as the season was so far advanced, Cook decided
to turn southwards, running down the Asiatic shore,
in hopes of getting a supply of wood and water, of both
of which they were now in want. On 2nd September
the most eastern point of Asia, Tchukotskoi Nos, was
passed, a peninsula of considerable height joined to
the mainland by a very low and apparently narrow
neck of land. It is situated, according to Cook, in
66° 6' N., 190° 22' E., and is about thirteen leagues
from Cape Prince of Wales on the American coast.

Speaking of Behring's explorations in this part of
the world. Cook says :

'' In justice to Behring's memory, I must say he
delineated this coast very well, and fixed the latitude
and longitude of the points better than could be expected
from the methods he had to go by."

Finding the Asiatic side appeared to be destitute
of timber, they again made across to America, with
the intention of settling the position of the channel
which separates the island Alaska from the mainland,
and on 3rd September passed the Indian town near
to which they had anchored on the loth of the previous
month. On the 8th they anchored off the south end
of Alaska, and noted land having the appearance of
islands to the eastward, but the water was too
dangerously shallow for the ships. A supply of drift-
wood, entirely fir, was obtained in a small bay near
Cape Denbigh, but as the anchorage was very exposed,
no time was wasted in watering. Whilst the boats'
crews were at work Cook went for a short walk, and
saw the first timber growing that had been seen since
June, chiefly spruce, and none more than six or eight
inches in diameter; an undergrowth of birch, willow,
and alder rendered progress very difficult. The open
ground was covered with heath and other plants, some
of which produced berries in abundance. A family

XVII.] NORTON SOUND 441

of natives came to where the wood party was at
work, and amongst them was a cripple, who was so
deformed that Cook says he was unable to look at
him a second time. From these people they obtained
about four hundred pounds of fresh fish for four knives
made out of an old iron hoop. Cook gave a child a
few beads, ^'on which the mother fell a-crying, then
the father, then the other man, and at last, to complete
the concert, the child ; but this musick continued not
long."

Burney says that the houses here were built of
timber and thatched, and some of them even had floors.
The berries obtained, he gives as currants, hurtle-
berries, crow, and partridge berries, *'and a plant which
drinks as well as tea, known in Newfoundland as
Indian tea." He also notes that from some canoes
that came from the south they obtained trout and other
fish.

Sending King with two boats to look for a passage
to the north, between where they were anchored and the
mainland, Cook moved his position to the other side
of Cape Denbigh, where they found a few inhabitants
of a similar race to those on the Asiatic side, who had
only a few dried fish for exchange. The crews were
set to work to gather berries, cut brooms and spruce ;
and a fair supply of grass and vegetables was obtained.
Plenty of geese, bustard, snipe, and partridge were
seen, but they were very wild, and as there was no
cover, it was not possible to get a shot at them. When
King returned, he reported that he had proceeded some
distance up an inlet, which received the name of Norton
Sound, after Sir Fletcher Norton, Speaker of the House
of Commons, and landing on the west side, had seen
from a hill top that the inlet terminated in a small river.

As the result of seventy-seven sets of observations,
Cook fixed the position of his first anchorage as
197° 13' E., 64° 31' N. He was thus particular as he

442 1 777-1 779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

wished to decide whether his observations or the chart
drawn by Mr Stocklin, with which he was provided,
were the most correct. Whilst anchored here, he
determined that he would not winter in any of the
northern ports, as it would necessitate the crews being
idle for six or seven months, so he fixed on the
Sandwich Islands as the best place at which to recruit.
Burney points out that King's trip up Norton Sound
proves what had been previously considered an island,
to be a part of the American continent, and therefore the
distance across Behring's Straits was reduced to fourteen
leagues.

After leaving the neighbourhood of Cape Denbigh,
they were much troubled by shoal water, and in 63° 15'
N., 190° 30' E., the sea was found to be much discoloured
and distinctly fresher, so it was concluded that some
large river emptied itself in the immediate neighbour-
hood. On 23rd September Gore's Island was dis-
covered, which, it was afterwards proved, was quite
unknown to the Russian traders. No convenient place
having been found for replenishing their supply of
water, the course was laid for Samgoonoodha Harbour ;
but on the 24th a very heavy gale sprang up, and
the Resolution again began to leak so badly that one
pump had to be constantly kept at work, assisted by
occasional bailing to keep it under. On 3rd October
Samgoonoodha was reached, and the carpenters at once
got to work on the leak, which was found to be of
considerable extent, and the remainder of the crews
were employed in getting water and picking berries,
of which they found a good supply. At the same time
an abundance of halibut, trout, and salmon was
obtained, the first being the favourite amongst the
men.

^' On the 8th by the hand of an Indian, Derramoushk,
I received a very singular present considering the place,
it was a rye loaf or rather a pie made in the form of a

XVII.] CORPORAL LEDYARD

443

loaf, for some salmon highly seasoned with pepper, etc.,
was in it. He had the like present for Captain Gierke,
and a note for each of us written in a language none of
us could read. We, however, had no doubt but this
present was from some Russians in our neighbourhood,
and sent to these our unknown friends by the same
hand a few bottles of rum, wine, and porter which
we thought would be as acceptable as anything we
had besides, and the event proved we were not mistaken.
I also sent along with Derramoushk and his party.
Corporal Ledyard of the Marines, an intelligent man,
in order to gain some further information, with orders,
if he met with any Russians, or others, to endeavour to
make them understand that we were English, Friends,
and Allies."

Ledyard, who had volunteered for the duty, returned
on the loth, bringing with him three Russian sailors,
who appeared to be intelligent men and ready to give all
information possible, but as there was no interpreter it
was difficult to understand anything thoroughly. As
far as Cook could make out, one of them stated that
he had been out with Behring, but he appeared to
be too young. Charts were shown and compared, and
they promised to bring a chart of the islands that lay
between that place and Kamtschatka. They remained
on the Resolution all night, and after paying the Discovery
a visit went away seeming very well satisfied with the
treatment they had received. They all appeared to have
a great admiration for Behring, and Ledyard reported
they had a sloop which they said was his ship. He
said that he understood that there were several settle-
ments, besides the one to which he had been, employing
altogether about four hundred Russians.

On the 14th, when Cook and Webber were at an
Indian village a little way from the ships, a Russian
landed from a canoe which contained three persons, and
was accompanied by twenty or thirty single canoes. A
small tent was rigged up for the Russian, and his
companions constructed shelters with their paddles and

444 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

canoes which they covered with grass, so that the
inhabitants of the village were at no trouble to find
them lodgings. This man whom Cook calls '^smyloff "
(Ismailoff?) was the chief of the traders in that part.
He invited Cook to join him at his meal, and gave him
of his best, namely, dried salmon and berries ; and
Cook says he felt no small mortification in not being
able to converse with him in any other way than by
signs assisted by figures and other characters, which
latter, however, he found a great help. Ismyloff proved
to be well acquainted with the geography of the district,
and with the different discoveries made by the Russians,
and at once pointed out errors that had been made in
the modern maps. He said that he had been with
Lieutenant Lindo's expedition, going as far north as
Tchukotskoi Nos, and seeing Clerke's Island, but when
Cook found that he either could not, or would not, say
what else the expedition had done during the two years
they had been away, he began to be doubtful if he had
really been there. Ismyloff also gave them to under-
stand that the Russians had made several attempts to
obtain a footing on the American shore, but had always
been driven off by the Indians, and two or three of their
leaders had been killed. He spoke of a sledge expedi-
tion in 1773, to three large islands opposite the Kolyma
River, which Cook thought might be the one mentioned
by Mullen He also said that, on 12th May 1771, he
had sailed from Bolscheretskoi to one of the Kurile
Islands named Mavickan, where there is a Russian
settlement. Thence he went to Japan, but as the
Japanese found they were Christians, they were ordered
away. Thence they sailed to Canton, and from there
to France on board a French ship. From France he
went to Petersburg, and then was again sent out
to Alaska. He seemed perfectly clear as to his
dates and put them on paper, but Cook was inclined
to be sceptical, chiefly, it would appear, because he

XVII.] RUSSIAN EXPLORATIONS 445

had not managed to pick up any French, ** not even
the names of the commonest articles," though he
had been for a great length of time amidst French
people.

He stayed all night, and after dining with Gierke,
left them, promising to return with some charts he had
in manuscript. This he did on the 19th, and without
any difficulty permitted copies of his charts to be taken.
The first one showed the Asiatic coast down as far
as 41° N., together with the Kurile Islands and
Kamtschatka. Ismyloff informed Cook that since the
chart had been drawn. Captain Irkuchoff had explored
from Okhotsk and the Amur to Japan, and that he,
Ismyloff, had corrected a great part of the coast of
Kamtschatka. From the description of the instrument
he had used, it was believed to have been a theodolite.
The second map was the most interesting to the English
explorers, as it comprehended all the discoveries made
by the Russians to the east of Kamtschatka, but,
excluding the voyages of Behring and Tcherikoff, these
amounted to very little. Ismyloff said that the position
and number of the islands between Kamtschatka and
America had been well ascertained, and he struck out
about one-third of them as being non-existent, and
altered the position of several others considerably,
having determined them himself. Cook found, by
observation, that the difference between the longitudes
of the Bay of Awatscha and the Harbour of Sam-
goonooda was greater by five and a half degrees than
that given on the Russian map, and he was afraid that
this difference might be carried through the chart.
The latitudes were also found in some places to be
incorrect, but not to any great extent.

Ismyloff remained with them till the 21st, and on
leaving gave Cook letters for the Governor of
Kamtschatka and the Commandant of Petropaulowsk.
Cook, finding that ''he was tolerably well versed in

446 I777-I779--THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

astronomy," presented him with a Hadley's octant, and,
though it was the first one he had seen, he soon made
himself acquainted with its uses. A letter for the
English Admiralty was also entrusted to him to be
forwarded, vid Okhotsk or Kamtschatka and Peters-
burg, as opportunity might offer. This letter and a
chart of the northern coasts were duly received in
London the following year.

An attempt was made to get to sea on 22nd October,
but was unsuccessful owing to contrary wind, and in
the afternoon they were visited by another Russian,
Jacob Ivanovitch, the commander of a small trading
vessel. He appeared well informed as to what they
would be able to obtain at Petropaulowsk, but said that
everything necessary would be found very scarce and very
expensive. This man. Cook understood, was the one
who would have charge of his letter for London, and
as he was very anxious to have something to show
Major Behm, the Governor, as a proof that he had
really seen Cook, he was presented with a small spy-
glass. During their enforced stay several of the officers
visited the settlement, which they found consisted of
a large dwelling-house and two stone-huts. The
Russians lived in the upper end, some Kamtschatka-
dales in the centre, and some of the natives, who
appeared to be slaves, at the lower end. Their food
was the same throughout, viz., the produce of the
sea and a few wild roots, the only difference being that
the Russians made their food more savoury than the
others, and Cook particularly notes that he had eaten
whale's flesh of their cooking which he thought very
good, and that they made *^a kind of pan-pudding " of
pounded salmon-roe that was no bad substitute for
bread, of which article they were able but seldom to
partake. They drank nothing but the juice of berries
and pure water, and their clothes consisted of skins,
excepting those of the chief men, who wore blue calico

XVII.] CLERKE'S ORDERS 447

frocks, and some few had silk shirts. As for the natives
Cook says :

**To all appearance they are the most peaceable and
inoffensive people I ever met with, and as to honesty,
they might serve as a pattern to the most civilised
nation upon earth."

This, he thought, was owing to their subjection to
the Russians, for if the latter were properly understood,
they had to make some very severe examples before
they were brought to order. However this may be,
they were then living together in harmony, and the
Indians on the islands appeared to enjoy liberty, and
their property, unmolested, though there was reason
to believe they paid tribute to the Russians. Burney
says the natives appeared contented, but the Russians
allowed them no arms but their fishing spears, and
that they obtained fire by striking two stones together
that had been rubbed over with brimstone. They used
straw for fuel, as the driftwood they obtained was only
sufficient for building and repairs. He also says that
some of the officers purchased boots made of whale's
gut and soled with sea-horse hide for some rum.

At length, on 26th October, they got away with the
intention of proceeding direct to the Sandwich Islands
to refresh the crews, and then, when the season was
far enough advanced, to return to Kamtschatka and
resume the search for the northern passage, or, if that
were found impossible, to continue the survey of the
two coasts and intervening seas. Gierke was given
his rendezvous in case of separation. First, was the
Sandwich Islands, and secondly, about the middle of
May, Petropaulowsk. During the first four or five
days at sea they had a very heavy gale, and were
unable to get clear of the islands, and on 28th October,
Burney says the fore and main tacks on the Discovery
carried away, unfortunately killing J. M4ntosh, A.B.,

448 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

on the spot, and seriously injuring the boatswain and
two others. On 2nd November the weather moderated,
and they were able to make their course, and on the
25th land was sighted in 20° 57' N., 203° E. in the
form of a ''saddle hill whose summit appeared above
the clouds," from which the land fell away in a gentle
slope till it terminated in a steep, rocky coast against
which the sea broke in a heavy surf. Some people
were seen, and a few houses and plantations, and the
whole country appeared well-wooded and watered.

Orders were at once issued on both ships, that the
usual limitations as to trading were to be strictly
enforced ; that is, trading was to be conducted by
specially appointed officers, and no curiosities were
to be purchased before the ships had received a satis-
factory amount of supplies.

Very shortly some canoes were seen coming off,
and the ships bringing to, the occupants were easily
persuaded to come on board. They proved to be the
same race as the inhabitants of what Cook speaks of
as the leeward islands, and appeared to be aware of
the previous visit of the ships. Only a small supply
of cuttle-fish, fruit, and roots was obtained, but they
were informed that there was plenty more to be obtained
on shore. The following day a good many people
came off who brought bread-fruit, potatoes, plantains,
and some small pigs, which they readily exchanged
for nails or iron tools. The island was found to be
called Mowee by the natives. On the 30th when off
the east end, a chief named Terreeoboo, came off,
bringing a present of two or three small pigs, and
fruit was purchased from some of the accompanying
canoes. The chief remained for about two hours, and
then all left the ship except some six or eight, who
stayed all night in their canoes, which were towed
along by their visitors. In the course of the evening
Owhyhee was sighted, and they were greatly surprised

XVII.] STRIKE AGAINST BEER 449

to see the mountains, which are of no great height,
covered with snow. Next day some natives came off
who were rather shy at first, but in a little time were
persuaded to come on board, and afterwards to go
ashore and bring off trade. They soon returned,
bringing others with them, none empty-handed, so
there was no scarcity of pigs and fruit.

On 4th December Cook and King observed an
eclipse of the moon, and deduced from it that the
longitude was 204° 35' E., whilst the ''watch machine"
made it 204° 14' 45'' E. The next few days were spent
plying about to windward in order to get round the
island, as the side they were on did not appear so
fertile as further to the west, and the shore was more
abrupt and very rocky.

Having procured a quantity of sugar cane, and
discovered that a strong decoction made a wholesome
and palatable beer. Cook ordered more to be brewed
in order to save the spirits for the colder climates,

**but," says he, '*when the cask came to be broached,
not one of my mutinous crew would so much as taste
it. As I had no motive for doing it, but to save our
spirit for a colder climate, I gave myself no trouble
either to oblige or persuade them to drink it, knowing
there was no danger of the scurvy so long as we had
plenty of other vegetables, but that I might not be
disappointed in my views, I gave orders that no grog
should be served in either ship. Myself and the officers
continued to make use of this beer whenever we could
get cane to make it ; a few hops, of which we had
some on board, was a great addition to it : it has
the taste of new malt beer, and I believe no one will
doubt but it must be very wholesome, though my
turbulent crew alleged it was injurious to their health.
They had no better reason to support a resolution they
took on our first arrival in King George's Sound, not
to drink the spruce beer we made there ; but whether
from a consideration that this was no new thing or
any other reason, they did not attempt to carry their

2 F

45© I777-I779--THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

resolution into execution, and I never heard of it till
now. Every innovation whatever, tho' ever so much
to their advantage, is sure to meet with the highest
disapprobation from seamen. Portable soup and sour
kraut were at first both condemned by them as stuff not
fit for human beings to eat. Few men have introduced
into their ships more novelties in the way of victuals
and drink than I have done ; indeed, few men have
had the same opportunity or been driven to the same
necessity. It has, however, in a great measure been
owing to such little innovations that I have always
kept my people, generally speaking, free from that
dreadful distemper, the Scurvy."

This is one of the very few passages in Cook's
journals in which he speaks against his crews, but
he evidently feels bitterly their ingratitude for the
constant and successful care with which he looked after
their well-being. This paragraph has been erased in
Cook's Journal, by whose hand is uncertain, but King
asserts that it must have been done by Gore, as he is
quite sure that it was not done by Cook nor by Clerke
when the latter took command after Cook's death.

Burney says that whilst near the island of Mowee,
the position of which he gives as 20° 58' N., 204° 9' E.,
a chief came on board the Discovery^ and presented
Clerke with a pig and a red feather cloak. He had
in his possession two long pieces of iron shaped like
skewers, and well pointed, which, it was understood,
he had received from some Spaniards. One of his
companions crossed his fingers and pointed to the
land, appearing to intimate that they had also erected
a cross on shore.

When trying to weather the south-east end of the
island a heavy gale was encountered, and the leach
ropes of the main - topsail, and two topgallant sails
gave way, and the sails, ** though not half worn,"
were blown to pieces ; a favourable lull soon after
occurred, fresh sails were quickly set, and the land

XVII.] FAULTY SAILS AND RIGGING 451

which had been unpleasantly close, was shortly left
astern. Cook remarks that he had constantly found
that the bolt ropes were too weak, and consequently
there had been great unnecessary expense of canvas,
and infinite trouble and vexation. He also says that
** neither the cordage, canvas, nor indeed hardly any
other stores used in the Navy, are equal in quality to
those in general use in the merchant service." Of
this, he says, he had '^ incontestable proof last voyage,'*
for when the Resolution was purchased, her standing
rigging, some of the running rigging, blocks, and sails
were also bought, and, though most of them had been
in use for fourteen months, they wore longer than any
of the things of the same kind put on board new from
the king's stores.

**The fore rigging is yet over the masthead, the
braceblocks and some others in equal use still in their
places and as good as ever. And yet on my return
home last voyage, these very blocks were condemned
by the yard officers and thrown amongst other decayed
blocks, from which they permitted my Boatswain to
select them when the ship was again fitted out. These
evils are likely never to be redressed, for besides the
difficulty of procuring stores for the Crown of equal
goodness with those purchased by private people for
their own use, it is a generally received opinion amongst
Naval officers of all ranks that no stores are equal in
goodness to those of the Crown, and that no ships are
found like those of the Navy. In the latter they are
right, but it is in the quantity and not in the quality
of the stores ; this last is seldom tried, for things are
generally condemned or converted to some other use
by such time as they are half wore out. It is only
on such voyages as these we have an opportunity to
make the trial, when everything is obliged to be worn
to the very utmost."

Cook says that the natives of Mowee traded with
less suspicion than any others he had met, sending up
their wares first into the ship, and then following to

452 1777-1779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

make their bargains. ** It is remarkable that they have
never once attempted to cheat us in exchange, or once
to commit a theft." They seemed to be quite prepared
for trading, and to understand exactly both what the
ships and they themselves wanted, for they would
bring out plenty of provisions, but, if they could not
get the price they asked, would take them ashore again.
Burney relates that one day one of the natives was
swimming near the ships and was attacked by a shark,
but, his attention being called to it in time, he turned
round, and striking it on the head with his fists
frightened it away, and the other Indians took no
further notice than to glance round occasionally to see
if all was safe.

On 24th December they at last succeeded in getting
to windward of the island, but having omitted to signal
to the Discovery the order for tacking, she stood on,
and Cook saw nothing more of her till the 6th of the
following month, when she rejoined company.

January 1779 was ushered in with heavy rain, which
continued till after ten o'clock, when the sky cleared,
the wind freshened, and they approached to within
about five miles of the shore and then lay to, trading
with the natives, till, having obtained enough fresh
provisions for four or five days, they made sail to look
for their consort. The next three days were spent
working down the coast, occasionally stopping to trade
with the natives, some of whom came out as much as
fifteen miles from land ; their chief article of commerce
was salt, which was found to be of very good quality.

On 5th January they rounded the southern point of
the island and lay to off a large village, where they
were quickly surrounded by canoes laden **with hogs
and women"; the latter are not held up as patterns of
all the virtues. Having plenty of salt. Cook refused
to purchase hogs of less than fifty or sixty pounds'
weight, and at first had some difficulty in obtaining

XVII.] THE LAST ENTRY IN COOK'S JOURNAL 453

them ; but when the natives found that there was no
market for the small ones, they were sent ashore and
larger ones produced. Vegetables appeared to be scarce,
and Cook concluded that either the land was incapable
of producing them, or else the crops had been destroyed
by some volcanic action, very marked and recent traces
of which were to be seen.

*^ Wednesday 6th January 1779. The next morning
the people visited us again, bringing with them the
same articles as before. Being near the shore I sent
Mr Bligh, the Master, in a boat to sound the coast,
with orders to land and look for fresh water. On his
return he reported that at two cable lengths from the
shore he had no soundings with a 160 fathoms of line ;
that when he landed he found no fresh water, but rain
water lying in holes in the rocks, and that brakish with
the spray of the sea, and that the surface of the
country was wholly composed of large slags and
ashes, here and there partly covered with plants.
Between 10 and 11 o'clock we saw the Discovery
coming round the south point of the Island and at
I P.M. she joined us, when Captain Clerke came on
board and informed me that he had cruized four or
five days where we were separated and then plyed
round the last part of the Island, but meeting with
unfavourable winds, was carried some distance from the
coast. He had one of the islanders on board all the
time ; it was his own choice, nor did not leave them the
first opportunity that offered."

The above quotation, copied from Cook's manuscript
Journal, prepared with his own hand for publication,
is the last entry made. It is a fair sample of the
manner in which the entire Journal is written, and
certainly does not justify the sneers that have been
uttered about bad spelling and bad grammar, the double
negative notwithstanding. In respect to his hand-
writing, spelling, and grammar, he can compare very
favourably with his equals in rank, both in the Navy and
in civil life, and many of the examples of his misspelling

454 1 777-1 779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

that have been chosen have been words purposely
abbreviated in a manner that was generally accepted
at that period.

Burney remarks that the native they had on board
the Discovery was so sea-sick that he could eat nothing
for the first week, and they were afraid that he would
die and perhaps create a bad impression amongst his
compatriots. He also says that the cause of the
separation of the two vessels was a slight accident
which happened to the rigging of the Discovery and
caused her to drop behind her consort.

They stood off and on along the coast, occasionally
obtaining small quantities of provisions, but not
sufficient to prevent their having to use some of their
stores, till on the 17th, at daybreak, a large bay opened
up, and Mr Bligh with a boat from each ship was sent
to examine it. Almost as soon as he left, large numbers
of canoes came out laden with provisions ; in his rough
Journal Cook estimates that there were not less than a
thousand round the ships at one time, none of their
occupants being armed in any way. A few acts of
thieving took place, one man going off with the rudder
of a boat ; and the loss was not discovered in time to
recover it. Cook thought this would be a good oppor-
tunity to show the natives what fire-arms were, so he
ordered two or three muskets and as many four-pounders
to be fired over the escaping canoe, but says *'as it was
not intended that any of the shot should take effect, the
Indians seemed rather more surprised than frightened."

Burney says that on their arrival in this bay
(Karakakoa Bay) the crews were glad to find them-
selves in a safe harbour once more after a cruise of
nearly eight weeks in sight of land ; they were
accompanied to their anchorage by

*'an immense fleet of canoes, near 800 according to
those who took the pains to count ; the people on board

XVII.] COOK'S LAST WRITTEN WORDS 455

these were not more numerous than those who, having
no canoes, swam off to us from the shore as soon as we
anchored."

The ships were soon so crowded (only ladies being
at first admitted) that it took a quarter of the crews to
keep the decks sufficiently clear for the working of the
ship. He also says that the Discovery's decks were so
leaky that they had not ventured to wash them for three
weeks, and her sails, cordage, and rigging were much
out of repair. Some cordage made from the bark of
the paper tree was obtained and was found to be fairly
satisfactory. The people turned out to be as great
thieves as in most of the islands they had visited, and
he says that soon after their anchoring, the lids of the
coppers on the Resolution were missing, and the rigging
of the Discovery was much cut about for the sake of the
iron.

The following extract is from the rough Journal kept
by Cook, and is his last entry — perhaps the last words
he ever wrote :

** Sun. 17. Fine pleasant weather and variable faint
breezes of wind. In the evening Mr Bligh returned
and reported that he had found a bay in which was
good anchorage and fresh water, tolerable easy to come
at. Into this bay I resolved to go to refit the ships and
take in water. As the night approached the Indians
retired to the shore, a good [many] however desired to
sleep on board, curiosity was not their only motive, at
least not with some of them, for the next morning
several things were missing, which determined me not
to entertain so many another night. At 11 a.m.
anchored in the bay which is called by the natives . . .
(in pencil written by another hand, Karakakoa) in
13 fathoms of water over a sandy bottom, and a quarter
of a mile from the N.E. shore. In this situation the
South point of the bay bore S. \ W. and the North
point W. \ S. Moored with the stream anchor and
cable to the Northward. Unbent the sails and struck
yards and topmasts. The ships very much crowded

456 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

with Indians and surrounded by a multitude of canoes.
I have nowhere in this sea seen such a number of
people assembled at one place, besides those in the
canoes all the shore of the bay was covered with people
and hundreds were swimming about the ships like
shoals of fish. We should have found it difficult to
have kept them in order had not a chief or servant
of Terreeoboo's, named Parea, now and then (shewn)
his authority by turning or rather driving them all out
of the ship.

*^ Among our numerous visitors, was a man named
Touahah who we soon found belonged to the church,
he introduced himself with much ceremony, in the
course of which he presented me with a small pig, two
cocoanuts and a piece of red cloth which he wrapped
round me. In this manner all or most of the chiefs
or people of note introduce themselves, but this man
went further, he brought with him a large hog and a
quantity of fruits and roots all of which he included in
the present. In the afternoon I went ashore to view the
place accompanied by Touahah, Parea, Mr King and
others ; as soon as we landed Touahah took me by the
hand and conducted me to a large Morai, the other
gentlemen with Parea, and four or five more of the
natives followed."

Burney gives the name of Terreeoboo as Kerriaboo,
and his title as Areetabee. He says that this chief was
away from the place at the time of their arrival, but
that a friend of his, armed with a white stick, was very
useful in assisting Parea, whom Cook had requested to
go over to the Discovery to keep order, and also to
recover some of the things that had been stolen. Parea
even went so far as to flog some of the thieves who had
been allowed to escape, to seize their canoes, and in fact
took every opportunity to show his authority.

Some writers, more particularly those specially
interested in Mission work, have asserted that Cook
permitted himself to be treated as a god, and a most
grotesque description has been given of the natives
crawling about after him on their hands and knees,

XVII.] COOK, A GREAT CHIEF, NOT A GOD 457

in thousands, as a special mark of adoration. Burney
states that the marks of honour that were conferred on
him were the same as those conferred on any one of
their own great chiefs, and Mr King, who with Mr
Bayley accompanied Cook ashore, distinctly says :

** The crowd which had collected on the shore, retired
at our approach ; and not a person was to be seen, except
a few lying prostrate on the ground, near the huts of
the adjoining village."

In fact, in the writings of those who were actually
present, and who were consequently best able to judge,
there is nothing whatever to suggest the idea that Cook
or any of them thought he was being treated differently
from any other great chief and man.

King describes the Morai, to which they were taken
on landing by four men, as being about forty yards
long by twenty broad, and fourteen feet high, the top
flat, well paved, and surrounded by a wooden railing.
An old building stood in the centre from which a stone
wall ran to a fence dividing the top into two parts.
On the landward side were five poles, upwards of twenty
feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold, and in
the half nearest the sea were two small houses with a
covered communication. The visitors were conducted
to the top of the Morai, where they were met by a young
man who presented Cook with two hideous images
having red cloth wound round them, and, after a sort
of hymn had been chanted, they were taken to where
the five poles were erected. Here there were twelve
images arranged in a semicircle round a table on which
lay sugar-cane, cocoanuts, bread-fruit, plaintains, and
sweet potatoes ; and the whole was surmounted by a
pig very much decomposed. Koah, whom Cook calls
Touahah, placed the Captain near to the scaffolding, and
then, taking up the pig, held it towards him and pro-
ceeded to make a long speech. At its conclusion the

4S8 .1777-1779--THIRD VOYAGE [CHAP.

pig was allowed to fall on the ground, and by signs
Cook was requested to accompany Koah in a partial
ascent of the rotten scaffold. A procession of ten men
provided with a live hog and a large piece of red cloth
having ascended the Moral and prostrated themselves,
the young man who had first received the Englishmen
took the cloth and handed it up to Koah, and he
wrapped it round Cook, as he was clinging to his
elevated but not very safe position on the scaffold. The
hog was next offered to Cook, and a long address
was chanted by Koah and the young man, sometimes
in concert and sometimes singly. When this duet was
finished the pig was allowed to fall, and Cook and the
priest Koah descended and returned to the semicircle of
images, Koah on the way snapping his fingers at those
he passed, and making remarks to them which were
understood to be sarcastic, till he reached the centre one,
when he stopped, prostrated himself before it, kissed it,
and requested Cook to do the same. The whole party
then went into the other part of the Moral, and Cook was
seated between two images with his arms stretched out,
Koah supporting one and King the other. A second
procession of the natives then came up bringing with
them a baked hog and other food, which they presented
with much ceremony. The meat was cut up and kava
prepared in the usual fashion, whilst Kaireekeea, Koah's
young assistant, chewed a piece of cocoanut, wrapped it
in cloth, and rubbed it over Cook's face, head, shoulders,
and arms. The kava was then tasted, and Koah and
Parea pulled pieces of meat off the cooked pig, put them
into the mouths of the two officers. King says that as
Parea was particularly cleanly in his person he did
not feel much objection to this operation, but Cook,
remembering Koah and the offering of the putrid hog,
was unable to swallow a mouthful, *'and his reluctance,
as may be supposed, was not diminished, when the old
man, according to his own mode of civility, had chewed

XVII.] "ORONO" 459

it for him." After this ordeal Cook put an end to
further proceedings by distributing some small presents
amongst the attendants, and returning to his ship. King
remarks that though the meaning of the whole ceremony-
could only be a matter of conjecture, it was, without
doubt, expressive of very high respect to the person of
Captain Cook, and the title of ^^Orono" which was
conferred on him, and has been quoted as evidence that
he was looked upon as a god by the natives, was also
applied to at least one if not more of their own chiefs.
May not this curious ceremony have been a sort of
naturalisation of Cook, and through him as the acknow-
ledged leader, of the whole of their visitors ?

The following day King took a small party on shore
to establish the observatory, and a small potato field
near the Morai was placed under *^tabu" for the
purpose, and thus comparative privacy was secured for
them. From the 19th to the 24th the crews were kept
busily employed in repairing the rigging, caulking the
ships' sides and decks, and salting the pigs they had
purchased, in which last operation they were very
successful. Near the observatory was a collection of
huts inhabited by the attendants in charge of the Morai,
and when Cook visited them he was again received
with ceremony, being clothed in red cloth, and receiving
a present of a pig and some kava ; and during the
remainder of the ship's stay one of these attendants or
priests was always in attendance to see that proper
respect was paid him. These people also provided
daily, pigs and vegetables to the party at the observatory,
even more than they could consume, and several canoe-
loads of provisions were sent off to the ships. On
making enquiries it was learnt that the expense of all
these gifts was borne by Koah, and no return was
demanded.

On 24th January a **tabu" was placed over the bay,
and no supplies were to be obtained, the reason given,

46o 1777-1779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

being, that the King Terreeoboo was expected. This
sudden cessation of the market left the crews without
vegetables, and the next day an attempt was made to
persuade the natives to go-off to the ships, and as a chief
was seen driving them back again, a musket shot was
fired over his head, with the result that *^ refreshment"
was to be obtained as before. Burney says that the
*'tabu" was placed on the ships because Parea saw
a native sell a pig on the Resolution for less than he
thought ought to have been given for it, and as he was
pushed on one side and told not to interfere when he
remonstrated about it, he went to the priests and com-
plained, with the result that trading was stopped.
Burney, however, admits that this was not the reason
given by the natives, and also states that trading was
resumed on Terreeoboo's arrival on the 25th.

When the king arrived, he, accompanied by his
wife and children, paid a private visit to the Resolution^
remaining on the ship for some time. He was the
same chief they had seen at Mowee. The next day
he, accompanied by several important men, made a
state visit, all of them being dressed in rich feather
cloaks, and armed with long spears and daggers. Koah
also attended in a canoe in which were other priests
and some large idols made of basket-work covered with
feathers, and their curiously distorted faces adorned with
pearl-shell eyes and dogs' teeth. A third canoe was
filled with pigs and vegetables, that were afterwards
presented to Cook. These canoes paddled round the
ships, the priests singing in most solemn fashion, and
then returned to shore without any of the occupants
having boarded either ship. Cook immediately followed
them ashore, and Mr King, who was in command at the
observatory, turned out his guard, saluted Terreeoboo,
and conducted him into the tent, where he seated him-
self for a few moments, and then rising took off his
cloak and helmet and placed them on Cook, at the

xvii.l KAMEHAMEHA I 461

same time ordering five or six more, of great value,
to be spread at his feet. Hogs, sugar-cane, cocoanuts,
and bread-fruit were then brought in, and this portion
of the ceremony was closed by Cook and Terreeoboo
exchanging names as a special mark of friendship, and
the presentation by a deputation of priests, of the pro-
visions in the canoe which had accompanied them to
the ship. One of the king's nephews, called by Mr
King Maiha-Maiha, was present on this occasion, and
was afterwards known to the world by the name of
Kamehameha I.

As many of the chiefs as the pinnace would carry,
were afterwards taken to the Resolution^ where they were
received with every mark of respect, and Terreeoboo
was duly invested with a linen shirt, and presented with
Cook's own sword. During the whole of this visit and
the previous ceremonial, no canoes, excepting those
taking a part in the proceedings, were to be seen in the
bay ; and the natives, other than those actually taking
part, either stayed in their houses or remained prostrate
on the ground, and Burney says that whenever
Terreeoboo went anywhere in state he was invariably
received with prostrations similar to those with which
Cook had been greeted on first landing. An *^ Indian "
died in a house near the camp, and watch was kept to
see what became of the body, but it was carried off very
quietly during the night. Though the people were all
very friendly and hospitable, and showed their visitors
great kindness, yet they could not be restrained from
stealing, some of them going so far as to extract the
sheathing nails out of the ships' sides, and one who was
caught red-handed was treated to a flogging in hopes of
putting a stop to such depredations, but without much
effect.

On the 28th Clerke, who had up to then been confined
to his ship by bad health, paid his first visit to the shore,
and was received by the king with the same formalities

462 I777-I779— T'HIRD VOYAGE [chap.

as Cook had been ; and though his visit was quite
unexpected he received a present of thirty large hogs,
and as much fruit and vegetables as his crew could eat
in a week. Terreeoboo afterwards visited the Discovery
in state, taking with him more presents for Gierke,
similar to those received by Cook, and in the afternoon
paid a private call in a small canoe with three paddles
only, one of which he wielded himself. On this last
occasion there were no prostrations by the natives, but
if any of them met their chief, they simply got out of
his way if no service was required of them.

Several excursions were made to the interior during
the stay, and the land was found to be chiefly volcanic,
in some places the rock had '^run like glass" and was
full of cavities ; but about two miles away there was
good land laid out in plantations extending for some
distance towards the mountains. One party made a
determined endeavour to reach the high land, but
though they were away six days, and were afforded
every assistance by the inhabitants, they did not succeed
in penetrating to a greater distance than about twenty
miles, owing to the impracticable nature of the country.
They saw very few villages and a few houses where the
keepers of the plantations lived. Burney says that the
manners, customs, and language of the natives were
much like those of the other South Sea Islands they had
visited, but they were much less cleanly in their persons,
and more savage in their appearance. Their houses
were similar to those at Atoui, dark and unpleasant, and
many of the old chiefs were suffering from a skin disease
which caused them to be covered with scales like fishes —
the result of excessive kava drinking — and it was found
to be looked upon as a mark of distinction. At first the
best articles for trading purposes were beads or buttons
sewn on to strips of cloth, so that they could be worn
on the wrist, and small iron adzes made after the pattern
of their own ; but latterly iron spikes were made into

XVII.] IDOLS FOR FIREWOOD 463

daggers like their wooden ones, and from eighteen to
thirty inches in length.

The ships being very short of firewood, and there
being none growing within a mile and a half of the
sea, Mr King received orders on the 30th to try and
purchase the fence that surrounded the top of the
Moral. He says that at first he hesitated as he

*Svas apprehensive that even the bare mention of it
might be considered by them (the priests) as a piece of
shocking impiety. In this, however, I found myself
mistaken. Not the smallest surprise was expressed at
the application, and the wood was readily given, even
without stipulating for anything in return."

As he saw the sailors were carrying away the figures
as well, Mr King spoke to Koah on the subject, and
he raised no objection whatever, except that the centre
one might be returned, and of course this was at once
done. Burney says : *^ We obtained two launch loads of
firewood for each ship, a most seasonable supply, as we
had been four months since we wooded."

On the 31st January a seaman named William
Watman, or Whatman, who belonged to the gunner's
crew, died from a stroke of paralysis. He was very
much attached to Captain Cook, and had sailed with
him in his previous voyage, after having been for
twenty-one years before that in the Marines. He had
been admitted to Greenwich Hospital after the return
of the Resolution from her first voyage, but, when he
heard that his old captain was going out again, he at
once left and rejoined the ship. He was buried in the
Moral, and a wooden post with an inscription on it was
placed over his remains. Some writers consider that
this was an error of judgment on the part of Cook, and
contributed greatly to the exasperation against him, and
that he should have been quietly taken out to sea for
burial ; but Mr King distinctly states that it was done

464 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

by Terreeoboo's special desire, and with as much
ceremony as circumstances would permit. The funeral
was watched with great interest by the priests, who,
when the grave was being filled in, advanced and
threw in a pig, some cocoanuts and plantains, and for
the three following nights sacrificed pigs and performed
their usual ceremonies of hymns and prayers, continuing
till daybreak.

Several entertainments of dancing and boxing were
given to the visitors, but Burney says that they were
not so satisfactory, and in the latter the contestants were
not so good tempered as those they had seen in the
Friendly Islands. The combatants entered the ring,
and moved about in a grotesque fashion, clenching
their fists and distorting their faces to make themselves
appear formidable ; their blows were heavy, but ill-
directed, and their guarding feeble. When one was
knocked down the bout was over, and, if the pair
seemed very unequal, a friend of the weaker would
push him on one side and take his place. In return
for these entertainments a display of fireworks from
both ships was given, which created considerable
astonishment, admiration, and terror ; particularly the
discharge of rockets.

Several enquiries had been made as to the time of
their probable departure, and hints were dropped that
it would be well if they left soon as supplies were
beginning to run short ; but at the same time they
were informed that if they returned at the time of the
next bread-fruit season their wants should be again
supplied. When the natives were told that the ships
were to leave in two days, that is on 3rd February,
Terreeoboo issued a proclamation that the people were
to bring such supplies as would enable him to make
a great present on their departure. On the appointed
day Captain Cook and Mr King were invited to Koah's
residence by Terreeoboo, and on their arrival found the

XVII.] KING INVITED TO STAY 465

things they had given to the natives laid out on the
ground, and at a short distance a large quantity of
vegetables of every kind, and near them a large herd
of pigs. The articles of exchange were then presented
to the king, who set on one side about one-third,
presumably for his own use, and then the vegetables
and pigs were handed over to Cook. Mr King says :
^'We were astonished at the value and magnitude
of this present, which far exceeded everything of the
kind we had seen, either at the Friendly or Society
Islands."

The camp near the Morai was then broken up and
the instruments, tents, etc., were taken on board ship,
and, as soon as the sailors left the ground, the natives
rushed in, hunting for anything that might have been
left behind. Some of the inhabitants were anxious that
Mr King, who seems to have had the happy knack of
making himself a favourite with all natives with whom
he came in contact, should stay behind, and when he
told them his captain would not permit him to do so,
they tried to persuade him to hide in the mountains
till the ships were gone. When this also was declined,
Terreeoboo and Koah waited on Cook, whom it appears
they thought was King's father, and begged that he
should be allowed to remain ; but they were informed
that he could not be spared, but that when they returned
he would see what could be done.

At night a house near the Morai, in which the sail-
makers had been working, caught fire, and together with
one or two more was burnt to the ground. Burney says
that it was caused by the natives looking for an old
knife which one of the sailors had lost, and had said
might be kept by the finder. Besant places this fire
at a later date, and says that it was caused intentionally
by the natives because they were offended by the sailors
having enticed some of their women there, and infers
that Gilbert is his authority ; but in the extracts he

2 G

466 I777-I779— THIRD VOYAGE [chap. xvii.

publishes from Gilbert's log there is nothing of the
kind said, and no one else refers to any other fire near
the Morai till after Cook's death, when some of the
priests' houses near the watering-place were burnt to
prevent them being used as shelter from which to
attack the working parties. Besant also, when speak-
ing of the supplies of food which the ships received
from the natives, says that Cook ^*in return gave them
an exhibition of fireworks." This display, as has been
mentioned before, was given in acknowledgment of an
entertainment by the natives, and he entirely overlooks
the fact that the so-called *^ presents" were invariably
followed by one in return, and it was quite usual for
the person giving anything to specify what he wished
for, and in none of the accounts of the voyages is there
any sign of marked discontent at these repayments
made by the travellers.

CHAPTER XVIII

1 779-1 780— THIRD VOYAGE — CONCLUDED

On 4th February the ships unmoored and sailed out of
the bay, followed by a large number of canoes, steering
to the north for the purpose of surveying the coast, in
hopes of finding a better anchorage than that at
Karakakoa. The wind was very light, and progress
consequently slow, giving Terreeoboo the opportunity
to send off a further present of pigs and vegetables.
After a time a bay was discovered, and Bligh,
accompanied by Koah, who in honour of the visitors
had changed his name to '' Britannee," was sent off
to report on it. On his return he said that the water
he had found was not suitable for watering purposes,
and that a reef of coral rocks extended some distance
out to sea, rendering the anchorage unsafe. In the
meantime a gale had sprung up, and the canoes that
had accompanied them so far, beat such a hurried
retreat that they left a great many behind on the
ships, principally women ; Bligh on his return picked
up a woman and two men whose canoe had been up-
set. About midnight the wind was so strong that the
fore and main topsails were both split ; it then died
away, and the morning was so fine that they were
able to bend fresh sails, but the canoes would not
venture out for those they had left behind, who were
all, without exception, suffering from sea-sickness and
anything but happy. In the afternoon a canoe con-
taining two men and a child was picked up, having

467

468 1 779-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

been driven off the land the previous day, and unable
to return. A second gale came on at night, compelling
them to double reef topsails and send down top-gallant
yards. At daybreak the foremast was found to have
given way, and to be in such a bad state that it was
absolutely necessary to repair it at once, and in order
to do so the mast must be unstepped.

After some hesitation, for he fully recognised that the
place must be nearly denuded of surplus provisions.
Cook decided to return to Karakakoa, no other convenient
place being known. On the i ith, therefore, they dropped
anchor in the same place as before, and the remainder of
that day, and the following one, they were busily employed
in unstepping the mast and getting it ashore, when it
was found to be rotten at the heel, as well as sprung
at the head. Wood that had been cut at Eimeo for
anchor-stocks was found suitable for fishing the head,
and the work proceeded rapidly ; the priests making
the camp **tabu" as before, so that there should be
no interference with the workmen. As the work was
likely to occupy two or three days, Messrs King and
Bayley took the astronomical instruments ashore, and
pitched the tents on the Moral, having with them a
guard of seven marines. The sailmakers were also
established in a house lent to them by the priests.

When the ships arrived in the bay, it had been
noticed that the place seemed very quiet ; hardly a
canoe was to be seen, and none came out to the ships.
This was a matter of some surprise when contrasted
with their first reception, and the very friendly way
in which they had parted. On a boat being sent
ashore, they were informed that Terreeoboo was
absent, and had placed the whole bay under *'tabu."
This, in the light of what afterwards occurred, was
looked upon by some of the officers as a very suspicious
circumstance, but Mr King, who having been constantly
in the camp on shore, had more intercourse with the

XVIII.] DISTURBANCES WITH THE NATIVES 469

natives than any of the other officers, appears to be
thoroughly satisfied that '^they neither meant, nor
apprehended any change of conduct." Burney says
that on the 12th Terreeoboo and some of his chiefs
paid them a visit at the bay, and asked many questions
about their reasons for coming back again, and did
not seem well satisfied with the answers he received.

Everything went on smoothly till the afternoon of
the 13th, when the officer in charge of the watering
party complained to Mr King that some of the chiefs
were driving away the men he had engaged to assist
in rolling the casks down to the boats, and he also
said their general conduct seemed suspicious. Mr
King accordingly ordered a marine, with side arms
only, to return with the officer to assist in restoring
order. Soon afterwards the officer returned to King,
and reported that the natives were arming themselves
with stones and getting very noisy, so Mr King
accompanied by a marine with his musket, went to
the spot, and succeeded in putting a stop to further
disturbance, and those who chose to assist the waterers
were permitted to do so. Just as things had quieted
down. Cook came on shore, and King reported what
had occurred. He was at once ordered to fire with
ball if he received any insolence, or if stones were
thrown, so the sentries loaded with ball instead of
small shot. Soon after this had been done the camp
was alarmed by the sound of shots from the Discovery^
and a canoe was observed making for the shore closely
pursued by one of the ship's boats. Cook, King,
and a marine ran along the shore to intercept them,
but were too late, as the occupants of the canoe landed,
and escaped before they reached the spot. However,
they continued to search for them till it began to get
dark, and, as they were about three miles from the
camp, they thought it as well to return. Burney says
that the commencement of the trouble on the Discovery

470 1 7 79-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

was caused by a native who stole a pair of carpenter's
tongs, jumped overboard with them, and placed them in
a canoe, which at once paddled off. The thief, however,
was not quick enough to get away, but was caught,
flogged, and put in irons till the tongs were returned
from the shore. The same tongs were again stolen in
the afternoon, and the man got away with them, and
Edgar, the Master, went after him in the small cutter,
being joined by the Resolution's pinnace. The thief
reached the shore first, and placed the tongs, the lid
of a harness cask, and a chisel in a second canoe, which
went out and handed them over to Edgar. Parea,
who was in Gierke's cabin at the time of the second
theft, immediately left the ship and followed the boats
ashore, promising to have the tongs returned. Edgar,
seeing that Cook and King were running along the
shore, and that the thief had got away, thought it was
his duty to secure the canoe. Unfortunately, this
belonged to Parea, who came up just as it was being
pushed off, and endeavoured to regain possession.
This was resented by one of the boats' crew, who
struck Parea on the head with an oar, knocking him
down, and then some of the natives, who up to this
had been quietly looking on, began to throw stones,
and so roughly handled the sailors in the pinnace,
that, being unarmed, they beat a retreat, swimming to
some rocks where they were out of reach of the missiles.
Edgar and Vancouver who remained on the shore fared
badly till Parea, who had by this time recovered from his
blow, and apparently forgotten it, ordered his country-
men to stay their hands, and managed to save the
pinnace, which otherwise would have been destroyed.
He wanted the boats to go back to the ships, but
as the oars of the pinnace had been taken away, this
was impossible. He then went off to find them, and
the stone throwing again commenced as soon as he
was out of sight. Edgar started to go to the camp in

«

1

XVIII.] COOK PREPARES TO LAND 471

hopes that he might see Cook, but some of the natives
advised him to follow them, and they would take
him to Parea, whom he very soon met carrying one
oar, and followed by a man with a broken one, so
they were able to make their way to the camp in the
boats, being overtaken by Parea in his canoe, bringing
Vancouver's cap, which had been lost in the scuffle.
Parea was very anxious to know if it would be quite
safe for him to venture on board the ships the next
day after what had happened, and on being assured
that it would, paddled away to see Terreeoboo, appar-
ently perfectly satisfied.

Cook, owing to his pursuit of the thief, did not hear
of all the trouble till after dark, when it was too late to
take any further steps, but King says he appeared
very much disturbed by the news, and remarked: ^'I am
afraid that these people will oblige me to use some
violent measures, for they must not be left to imagine
that they have gained an advantage over us." He then
went on board his ship, and ordered all the natives
ashore, whilst Mr King returned to the observatory
camp, doubled his sentries, and gave strict orders that
he was to be called if any natives were seen about.
About eleven o'clock, five were seen prowling round,
but finding they were observed they made off, and
about an hour afterwards one was seen near the
observatory itself, and a sentry fired over his head,
upon which he ran off, and they were then left alone.
On his way to the ship the next morning for the
chronometer. King was informed that the Discovery^ s
cutter, which had been moored to the anchor buoy,
had been stolen, and he found Cook loading his double-
barrelled gun, and preparing a landing party of marines.
He informed King that he was going ashore to try to
gain possession of some of the principal men in order
to keep them on board till the boat was returned, and
that he had already sent out boats to prevent any

472 1 779-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

canoes from leaving the bay, with the intention of
destroying them if he could not recover the cutter
by more peaceable means. The Resolution's *^ great
cutter" was sent off in chase of a large sailing canoe
that was making away, and the small cutter went to
guard the western point of the bay, whilst Cook himself
with the pinnace and launch prepared to go to Kowrowa
to try to get Terreeoboo on board the ship. He, and
in fact every one else felt perfectly confident that the
natives would offer no resistance if they heard but
the sound of a single musket.

A little before eight o'clock Captain Cook, accom-
panied by Lieutenant Phillips, Sergeant Gibson, Corporal
Thomas, and seven marines, left the Resolution for
Kowrowa, and Mr King in a small boat for his camp.
The orders the latter received were, to try to quiet
the minds of the people near the observatory, to assure
them that they would not be hurt, to keep his own men
together, and to be on his guard against an outbreak.
Having seen that his men were all on the alert, Mr
King visited the priests, and explained to them as well
as he was able that Terreeoboo would suffer neither
personal injury nor indignity, and they appeared to be
perfectly satisfied.

Cook, having picked up the Resolution^ s launch,
which was commanded by Lieutenant Williamson,
landed the marines, and marched into the village,
where he was received with the usual marks of respect,
and asked to see the king and his two young sons,
who had been constant visitors to the ships. The two
boys soon came forward, and conducted Cook to the
hut where their father was, and after a short conversa-
tion with him, he was convinced that Terreeoboo was
in no way concerned in the loss of the boat. He
invited all three to accompany him to the Resolution^
and Terreeoboo at once consented, and got up to go.
However, the boys' mother then came up, and with

XVIII.] THE ATTACK COMMENCED 473

a few of the chiefs tried to persuade him not to
venture, and at length two of them caught hold of
him and forced him to sit down. Meanwhile, a large
crowd of natives had gathered round, and Phillips,
who throughout the whole affair seems to have acted
with coolness and good judgment, drew up his men
in a line on the rocks near the edge of the water,
about thirty yards from where the king was seated.
After trying for some time to persuade the natives to
allow their chief, who appeared himself to be perfectly
willing, to accompany him to his ship. Cook gave
up the attempt, observing to Phillips that it would
be impossible to compel them to do so without a
great risk of bloodshed. Unfortunately, just at this
time, news arrived that the boats on the other side
of the bay, in trying to prevent some canoes from
getting away, had fired on them, and a chief of the
first rank, named Kareemoo, had been killed. The
shots had been heard at the village soon after the
landing of Cook's party.

The affair was now recognised as very serious, as
the women and children were being sent away, and
the men were assuming their war mats. One man
armed with a stone in one hand, and a large iron
spike in the other, came up to Cook, and in an insult-
ing manner threatened him with both weapons. Cook
told him to keep quiet, but he became even more
insolent, so Cook fired a charge of small shot at him,
but did him no injury, as his mats protected him.
Several stones were now thrown at the marines, and
a chief attempted to stab Phillips, who knocked him
down with the butt end of his musket. Cook now
fired his second barrel, loaded with ball, and killed
one of the natives. Burney says. Sergeant Gibson
told Cook he had shot the wrong man, whereon he
received orders to shoot the right one and did so. A
very heavy fire of stones was now opened on the

474 1779-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

marines, who replied with a volley, and, before they
had time to reload, they were rushed by the natives,
and four of the seven were killed, the others being
all wounded. Mr Phillips was stabbed between the
shoulders, but had fortunately reserved his fire, and
before the blow could be repeated, shot his assailant.

Cook at this time was at the water's edge, and
had turned round to call to the boats' crews to cease
firing and pull in. This is believed to have been the
cause of his death, for, whilst facing the natives, none
but the man shot by Gibson had offered him actual
violence, but when he turned to give orders to the
boats he was struck on the head and stabbed in the
back, falling with his face in the water. As soon
as he fell a great shout arose, and he was dragged
ashore, the natives, snatching the dagger from each
other, showed savage eagerness to have a share in
his destruction.

Phillips and the remainder of the marines at once
plunged into the water and made for the boats, and,
being covered by musketry fire, they were able to
reach them. The lieutenant had succeeded in getting
into the pinnace, when he saw one of his men. Private
Jackson, who had been struck in the face by a stone
which severely injured one eye, struggling in the
water, and in great danger of being captured, so he
immediately, notwithstanding his own wound, jumped
into the sea again, and succeeded in getting his man
into the boat, being himself again struck on the head
by a stone. The boats, seeing that there was no
hope of recovering the bodies of the five who were
killed, namely. Captain Cook, Corporal Thomas, and
Privates Hinks, Allen, and Fatchett, were ordered to
return at once to the ships, from which they had only
been absent an hour. Nine stands of arms and Cook's
double-barrelled gun and hanger fell into the hands
of the natives.

XVIII.] COOK'S DEATH REPORTED ON BOARD 475

As soon as this serious affair was reported on board,
the boats were recalled from the other parts of the
bay, and a strong reinforcement was sent to Mr King
with orders for him to strike his camp and get the
Resolution's foremast off to the ship. The Indians were
seen assembling to the right of the tents, so the guns
were turned on them, and a party was posted on the
Morai to cover the place where the mast lay. About
one o'clock everything was brought away from the
shore, without any further interference from the natives
beyond the throwing of a few stones by some of the
islanders, who had ventured near under the mistaken
idea that their war mats were bullet proof — a mistake
that some of them had reason to regret.

Notwithstanding what had occurred, one of the
priests who had always been friendly to the English,
called by Burney, Kerriakair, remained with them till
everything had been removed from the shore, and
supplied them with food and water. The natives were
observed to be very careful in removing their killed
and wounded, and two men were particularly noticed
for their courage in removing a body that was under
fire. About four o'clock Lieutenant King was sent to
the village of Kowrowa with boats, to try to recover
the bodies of the English dead, and at first was received
with a heavy volley of stones, which, fortunately, fell
short. King, displaying a white flag, pulled in shore,
whilst the other boats lay off to cover him with their
fire if needed, but the stone -throwing was stopped,
and the natives also displayed a white flag in reply.
It was noticed that they had prepared a number of
small stone breast - works as protection against the
musketry. In answer to King's demand some of the
chiefs promised that the bodies should be delivered
the next day, and word to this effect was sent to
Captain Gierke, who, as senior officer, had, of course,
taken command of the expedition. Koah, the chief

476 1 7 79-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

priest, swam off to one of the boats, and getting in,
remained with them some time. He explained that
the reason the bodies were not handed over at once
was that they had been carried away some distance
into the country. Burney says:

" At another part of the town, however, the Indians
made motions which we thought signified they were
cut to pieces, and one fellow came to the water side
flourishing Captain Cook's hanger with many tokens
of exultation and defiance. Orders came soon after
for the boats to return. After dark, a guard boat
was stationed to row round the ship lest any of the
Indians should swim off and attempt to cut the cables.
They were very busy ashore all night, making much
noise, running about with lights, and howling, as we
supposed over their dead."

On 15th February Captain Clerke formally took
command of the Resolution^ and appointed Lieutenant
Gore to the Captaincy of the Discovery, During the
day Koah visited the ship several times and tried to
induce either Clerke or King to go ashore for the
bodies, but it was thought inadvisable to run any
further risk. In the evening Kerriakair and another
native came off in a small canoe, bringing with them
a bundle containing the flesh of Cook's thighs, and
said that the body had been burnt and the limbs
distributed amongst the chiefs. They had brought all
the parts they were able to obtain unknown to the others,
and Kerriakair strongly advised Clerke not to trust too
much to Koah ; he said also that the inhabitants of the
island were not inclined for peace, with the exception
of those residing in the immediate neighbourhood,
who would, of course, be the chief sufferers in the
case of hostilities. He said that the islanders had
had twenty -six killed and a great many wounded.
The following day a canoe came out towards the
Resolution^ and one of its occupants stood up and put

XVIII.] KOAH'S ATTENTIONS DECLINED 477

on Cook's hat with many marks of contemptuous
derision ; he was fired on and chased by one of the
ships' boats, but managed to make good his escape
to the shore, where he was received by his friends with
loud shouts of approbation, and a large crowd gathered
round, but on three guns being fired they very quickly
dispersed.

On the 17th the ships were warped in shore so as
to command the watering-place, and the launches were
sent for water, the other boats, fully armed, supporting
them. They were received by showers of stones from
the houses and from behind stone walls, notwithstand-
ing that a musketry fire was kept up on any who
exposed themselves, and that several guns were fired
from the ships. Koah, however, visited the ships, and
again requested some one to go ashore for the bodies ;
and he offered a pig as a present, but he was sent
away and was shortly afterwards seen amongst the
stone-throwers. In the afternoon the boats went again
for water, and hostilities at once recommenced on the
part of the natives, so the boats were ordered to keep
clear whilst the guns on the ships were worked for
about a quarter of an hour ; then the boats' crews
landed and set fire to the houses between the watering-
place and the Morai, burning about sixty. Six or
seven of the natives were killed, and one was taken
prisoner and sent on board ship, but was soon after-
wards liberated. The water being obtained from a
well at the foot of a steep hill, the natives, keeping out
of musket shot, rolled large stones down on the working
party, who had difficulty in avoiding them. In the
evening, about five o'clock, some dozen natives walked
down to the beach with white flags and sugar-cane,
headed by Kerriakair, who carried a small pig. He
said he came as an envoy from Terreeoboo to make
peace, and was accordingly taken to the Resolution,
They learnt from him that the boat had been stolen

478 1779-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

by some of Parea's people and had been broken up
after Cook's death.

In the night some canoes came off with bread-fruit,
sweet potatoes, etc., and the next morning white flags
were seen planted round the bay in different places, and
the waterers were allowed to go to work unmolested.
Kerriakair asked to be permitted to make an offering
of a roast pig to one of the images on the Morai, and
his request was at once granted. Soon afterwards Koah
came off with a present of a hog and some plantains ;
but was not admitted to either ship, so he went off to
the waterers, who also sent him away. He then went
to the Morai, where a small party of sailors was posted,
and threw stones at them ; a couple of shots were fired
at him, but he escaped unhurt. Soon after, some natives
came down to the shore, one at a time, each carrying
sugar-cane, bread-fruit, or other article which they left
on the beach, and were later on taken on board. In
the afternoon a chief named Eapoo went on board
the Resolution with a message from Terreeoboo, and
remained some time, coming again the next day with
a present of hogs, plantains, etc. ; and during the night
a small quantity of provisions was again purchased
from canoes that went out to trade.

On the 20th the foremast of the Resolution was put
in its place and rigging commenced, and in the middle
of the day a large party of the natives marched down
in procession to the watering-place, beating drums,
yelling and carrying white flags, sugar-cane, hogs, etc.
Eapoo was at their head bearing a parcel wrapped up
in native cloth and containing some of the bones of
Captain Cook. He went off to the Resolution with
Captain Clerke, and soon afterwards a boat was sent
ashore for a present of provisions sent by Terreeoboo.
The next day Eapoo again appeared with similar
ceremonial, bringing with him the all remaining bones
that it was possible to regain. He was accompanied

XVIII.] COMMITTED TO THE DEEP 479

by Karowa, Terreeoboo's youngest son, and in the
afternoon canoes came out with provisions for sale.

**The 2 1 St February. At sunset the Resolution fired
ten minute guns, with the colours half staff up, when
the remains of our late Comm^^- were committed to the
deep."

Lieutenant Williamson was severely blamed by
some of his brother officers for cowardice in not going
to the assistance of the pinnace at the time of the attack
on his captain. He afterwards rose to the rank of
captain, and when in command of the Agincourt he was
tried by court-martial for ^^disaffection, cowardice, dis-
obedience to signals, and not having done his duty in
rendering all assistance possible." On the first two
counts he was found not guilty, but guilty on the other
two, and was sentenced to ^'be placed at the bottom of
the list of Post-Captains, and be rendered incapable of
ever serving on board of any of His Majesty's Ships,"
not ^* cashiered" as Besant states, though the sentence
seems almost the same in effect.

Ellis, in his ^^Tour through Hawaii," says that
Lieutenant King's account of Cook's death agrees in
a remarkable manner with that given by the natives
themselves. They did not in any way blame their
visitors for what had occurred, and even after his
death appeared to have looked upon Cook as a
personality superior to themselves. His breastbone
and some ribs were long preserved as sacred relics.
Ellis says that they thoroughly confirm King's state-
ment that when Cook was struck down he had turned
his back on his opponents in order to give instructions
to his boats. The same author states in *' Polynesian
Researches" that in 1832 there were still many living
who remembered Cook's visit, and they were agreed
that his conduct towards their countrymen was humane.
Mr John Turnbull, who visited the South Pacific

48o 1 779-1 780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

Islands between 1800 and 1804, says that **in Owhyhee
the fatal accident which befel Cook is to this day deeply
and generally deplored."

In respect to the remains of Captain Cook that were
recovered from the savages, Captain Clerke says :

"Upon examining the remains of my late honoured
and much-lamented friend, I found all his bones,
excepting those of the back, jaw, and feet — the two
latter articles E'ar'po brought me in the morning —
the former, he declared, had been reduced to ashes with
the trunk of the body. As Car'na'care (Kerriakiar)
had told us, the flesh was taken from all the bones,
excepting those of the hands, the skin of which they
had cut through in many places, and salted, with the
intention, no doubt, of preserving them ; E'ar'po like-
wise brought with him the two barrels of Captain
Cook's gun — the one beat flat with the intention of
making a cutting instrument of it; the other a good
deal bent and bruised, together with a present of
thirteen hogs from Terre'aboo."

The hands, as has before been mentioned, were
identified by the scar of the wound he had received
from the explosion of his powder flask in Newfound-
land, which had almost severed the thumb from the
fingers.

On 22nd February the repairs to the Resolution
having been completed, and a sufficient supply of water
taken on board both ships, the anchors were weighed,
and they proceeded to sea, clearing the land at about
ten o'clock and steering to the north. They touched at
one or two of the islands and obtained some fresh
supplies of vegetables, but they concluded that the news
of their great disaster must have preceded them, as they
met with marked incivility on several occasions, and it
was greatly owing to the tact and good temper of Mr
King that once, at any rate, a second serious affray
was avoided. This was at Atoui, where a party had
been landed for water, and the natives, who were in

XVIII.] A POINT OF HONOUR 481

considerable force, made extravagant and insolent
demands for heavy payment for each caskful. This,
King peremptorily refused, though he at the same time
offered to make a considerable present as a mark of
friendship. During the discussion a man approaching
in an apparently friendly manner, whilst King's
attention was attracted elsewhere, managed to wrench
his hanger from him and escape with it. King thought
it advisable to put up with his loss, and ordered the
boats to load up. The loading was at length completed,
and all were on board except King, the gunner, and
one of the boats' crew who had construed some hasty
words used by King into a reflection on his courage,
so he refused to precede his officer to the boat which
was lying out beyond the surf and to which they
would have to swim. The gunner hearing the point
of honour raised must needs join in, and also refused
to be the first to leave, but at last, seeing natives coming
down armed with clubs and spears, they compromised
matters by all taking the water together, and Mr King
reached the boat first when he saw that the gunner,
who was a poor swimmer, was still some way behind
and in danger, so he ordered a musket to be fired in
order to keep off the enemy, and two men obeyed him ;
and he says he much regretted to see that one man was
apparently seriously wounded. The next day a second
party went ashore with an armed guard of forty men
from both ships, but it proved unnecessary, as the beach
was found deserted and the ground, from the landing to
the watering-place, marked off with white flags, having
evidently been placed under '*tabu." Several chiefs
visited the ships the following day, and it was then
discovered that the disagreeableness which they had
encountered had arisen from quarrels amongst them-
selves over the ownership of the goats that had been
left the previous year, and not from any knowledge of
the death of Captain Cook.

2 H

^82 1 7 79-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

On 1 6th March leave was taken of the Sandwich
Islands, and the ships steered to the north-west. On
23rd April Kamtschatka was sighted in 52° 18' N.,
158° 54' E., very thick weather having been encountered,
and the ships had separated several times. To add to
their discomfort, the Resolution was in such a very leaky
condition that the pumps had been in almost constant
use since leaving the Sandwich Islands. On 29th
April she entered Awatska Bay, and a sharp look-out
was kept for the town of St Peter and St Paul, where
they hoped to present the letters received from Ismyloff,
and to purchase stores and refreshments, of which they
stood much in need. A few unpromising looking huts
on an narrow point of land were seen, and Mr King was
sent on shore with the letters. His landing was a most
uncomfortable one, made partly over very rotten ice,
which in one place proved so treacherous that he fell
through, but fortunately rising clear of the ice he was
assisted out by one of his men who was provided with
a boat-hook. A sledge was seen making towards them,
and they shouted and held up the letters, but were
surprised to see it turn about and fly back to the huts.

Soon afterwards a body of armed men, about thirty in
number, came towards them under an officer armed with
a cane. These men marched them to the village with
considerable precaution, occasionally halting to go
through some evolutions, and after one of the letters
had been opened the other was at once despatched by
sledge to the Governor at Bolcheretsk, a distance of
about one hundred and thirty-five miles. Mr King
was then provided with dry clothes by the man with
the cane, who proved to be the sergeant in command
of the post, and they were supplied with a very welcome
meal. Although they were quite unable to understand
each other's language, they managed to gather that
nothing could be done till a reply had been received
from Bolcheretsk, and that no one till then would

XVIII.] VISIT TO MAJOR BEHM 483

be permitted to visit the ship. Dog sledges were
provided for their return, rendering it much easier,
and safer, for the dogs instinctively avoided the more
dangerous parts.

On I St May the Discovery came in and joined them,
moving close alongside. On the 3rd the sledges were
seen returning from Bolcheretsk, having completed the
journey of two hundred and seventy miles in a little more
than two days and a half, but no notice of their return
was sent to the ships till the following morning, when a
couple of men came down to the edge of the ice and were
taken on board by the ships' boats. One of them was a
Russian merchant, and the second a German ; they were
charged with letters from the Governor, Major Behm,
written in German. It fortunately turned out that Mr
Webber was able to act as interpreter, and he gathered
that the cautious reception which they had experienced at
the hands of the sergeant-commandant, was owing to the
rather unsatisfactory impression conveyed by Ismyloff's
letter, for he had represented the two vessels he had
seen as very small, and had insinuated that he believed
them to be little better than pirates.

As the chance of obtaining the required stores and
refreshments at the township of St Peter and St Paul
seemed unsatisfactory, it was decided to send a party
consisting of Captain Gore, Messrs King and Webber,
and the two merchants to Bolcheretsk. Starting on
7th May, after being delayed by the weather for a couple
of days, they accomplished their journey in five days —
partly by boat and partly by sledge. They received a
most cordial welcome from Major Behm and his officers,
and were promised that, as far as possible, their wants
should be supplied, and that if a list of ships' stores
required was left, the Governor would obtain all that
he could from Okotsk, to be ready for them on their
return from their northern cruise. In the end some
9,ocx) lb. of flour and twenty head of cattle were

484 1 779-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

provided, and some handsome presents were made to
the officers, consisting of dresses, furs, sugar, and tea,
and about 400 lb. weight of tobacco for the sailors, who
had been out of that luxury for some time.

For these kindnesses the English could make but little
return, and it was with some difficulty the Major could be
persuaded to accept even the small presents they were able
to give, as he said he was only acting up to what he knew
to be the wishes of his Empress, who desired that all her
allies should be treated with courtesy. He was greatly
pleased to be informed of the discoveries that had been
made in the north, and accepted receipts for such stores
as had been given, in order that, as he said, they might
be sent to Petersburg to show that he had carried out
his instructions. At the time of the visit of the ships a
large number of the soldiers and inhabitants were found
to be suffering very severely from scurvy, and as some
measure of return for the great kindness they had
received. Captain Gierke put them under the care of his
medical officers, and served out supplies of sour kraut
and sweet wort made from his stock of malt, with most
marked effect: " A surprising alteration soon took place
in the figures of most of them ; and their speedy
recovery was chiefly attributed to the effects of the sweet
wort."

Major Behm also informed them that on the day
of the arrival of the English party at Bolcheretsk he
had received a despatch from the most northerly post
on the sea of Okotsk, stating that the tribe of Tschutski,
with whom the Russians had long been at feud, had
sent in an embassy with offers of friendship and tribute,
giving as the reason for their altered sentiments, that
they had been visited by two large vessels, which they
believed to be Russian, during the preceding summer,
and had been received on board with great kindness,
and had entered into a league of friendship with their
visitors ; they therefore thought it their duty to come

XVIII.] LAST EFFORT TO THE NORTH 485

in to ratify their treaty formally. These two ships
could only have been those of Cook's expedition, as
there were none others in the northern waters, and
the affair is a marked compliment to his method of
dealing with the natives of the new countries he
visited.

On 13th June a start was made on a fresh attempt
to carry out the orders of the Admiralty, and discover a
northern passage to Europe, but, owing to the set of
the tides and contrary winds, they were unable to get
clear of the coast for some days, and on the morning of
the 15th they were both surprised and alarmed by the
outbreak of a volcano situated to the north of the bay,
and about eight leagues from where they then were.
The ships were covered with volcanic dust to a depth
of an inch or more. The eruption increased in severity
towards the afternoon, and large quantities of cinders
as large as hazel nuts, together with some small stones
which showed no signs of volcanic action, fell on the
decks.

The Asiatic coast was followed up as far as was
compatible with the desire to reach Behring Straits at
as early a date as possible. On ist July they were off
the Gulf of Anadyr, where fogs and ice began seriously
to interfere with their progress, and on the 13th they
abandoned the Asiatic for the American side in hopes
that they might find more open water. Ill luck,
however, still followed them, and they only succeeded
in reaching the latitude of 70° 33' N., some five leagues
short of where they had been the previous summer.
Finding it impossible to penetrate the fields of ice
which appeared to adhere to the land, they again
adventured to the Asiatic shore, but were even less
successful, and at length, on the 27th, realising that
further attempts were useless, and that the ships were
suffering very seriously from continual contact with the
lumps of loose ice, Captain Clerke determined to make

486 1779-T7S0— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

for Awatska Bay, there to refit as far as possible, and
then return to England.

On loth August, Captain Gierke, whose health had
been unsatisfactory from the very commencement of the
voyage, and had lately become much worse, was found
to be so ill by the doctor that he gave up all hopes of
his recovery, and on the 17th Gierke instructed his
men that they were in future to take their orders from
Lieutenant King. The latter was ordered to make for
Awatska Bay, and put the ship into better repair as
rapidly as possible. Gaptain Gierke died on 22nd
August, the day before they reached the harbour, and
was buried under a tree at the north of the post of
St Peter and St Paul on the 29th — the companies of
both ships taking part in the ceremony. The Russian
garrison turned out in his honour, and the Russian
priest read prayers at the grave. He was only thirty-
eight years of age.

In consequence of succeeding to the command of the
expedition, Gaptain Gore moved into the ResolutioUy
taking with him Lieutenants Burney and Rickman, and
gave the vacant commission to Mr Lanyon, Master's
Mate of that ship. Lieutenant King was promoted
Gaptain of the Discovery, with Williamson and Hervey
as Lieutenants, and took with him four midshipmen to
assist him with his observations. Mr Bay ley went to
the Resolution in charge of the observations on that ship.

Before sailing. Gore consulted with his officers as
to the course to be pursued on leaving their present
quarters, and he was gratified to find they were
unanimously in agreement with his own views, that
considering the condition of the ships and stores, it
was inadvisable to make any attempt at further dis-
coveries, but they should proceed at once to the nearest
considerable port and there refit as far as possible, and
then make the best of their way to England.

Having completed the repairs they were able to

xvrii.] KING PRAISES HIS MEN 487

make with the scanty materials procurable, and having
obtained a supply of fresh meat, together with a small
quantity of flour, sugar, tea, and tobacco, the two ships
left the Bay of Awatska, where they had met with such
unlooked-for hospitality, on 9th October, and on the
1 2th sighted the first of the Kurile Islands ; but owing
to bad weather and contrary winds they were unable to
see anything of them. On the 26th Japan was reached
near ^^Cape Nambu, its most northern point," and the
coast was followed down at a distance of a few miles
until 2nd November. One or two small ships were
seen, but no communications were possible as the
occupants appeared wishful to give the strangers a wide
berth. As bad weather now drove them off the coast,
Captain Gore decided that he would not waste time in
trying to get back, but made sail for the China coast,
and they anchored in Macao Roads on ist December.
Here, according to the strict orders of the Admiralty,
all diaries, logs, and notes on the events of the voyage
were demanded from the officers and men of the ships,
and King says he is perfectly satisfied

^*that every scrap of paper containing any transactions
relating to the voyage were given up. Indeed, it is
doing bare justice to the seamen of this ship to declare
that they were the most obedient and best-disposed men
I ever knew, though almost all of them were very
young, and had never before served in a ship of war."

After some considerable delay, stores were obtained
from Canton, Captain King having visited that place
for the purpose of making the necessary purchases.
Some old English periodicals and newspapers were
obtained, which were most acceptable after such a
prolonged absence from any place where European
news could be obtained. As information of the out-
break of war between England and France was also
received, an attempt was made to strengthen the upper

488 1 779-1780— THIRD VOYAGE [chap.

works of the ships in case of accident, notwithstanding
that the newspapers they had, published the fact that
instructions had been issued by both the French and
American governments to their respective fleets, that
Captain Cook's expedition was not to be molested.

The seamen managed to dispose of most of the furs
they had obtained on the American and Siberian coasts,
and King estimates that the value received on board
the two ships in money and goods would amount to
something like ;^2,ooo, and he says that the men were
so anxious to return to procure more that they were
almost in a state of mutiny.

On nth January 1780 they started from Macao,
saluting the fort with eleven guns, but, having to warp
out, they did not get clear till the 14th. On 2nd
February they passed the Straits of Sunda, and on the
i6th watered at Prince's Island. On nth April, after
an uneventful voyage, the two ships anchored in
Simon's Bay, Cape of Good Hope, and were
immediately boarded by Mr Brandt, Commandant of
Simon's Town, who was greatly surprised to see the
crews in look so healthy, as a Dutch ship which left
Macao soon after their arrival there had reported that
the two ships were in a deplorable condition, there
being only fourteen men left on board the Resolution and
seven on the Discovery fit for duty. King expresses
himself at a loss to understand the object of ' ^ so wanton
and malicious a falsehood."

On 14th April a state visit was paid to Governor
Plattenberg, who received them most cordially, and
evinced the deepest regret to hear the account of
Captain Cook's death, for whom he had a strong
admiration. He showed them two portraits on his
walls, De Ruyter and Tromp, with a space between
which he said he kept for a portrait of Captain Cook,
and requested that one should be obtained for him in
England,

XVIII.] HOME AT LAST 489

As the picture by Webber in the National Portrait
Gallery is said to have been painted at the Cape, it may
perhaps have been intended for that vacant space, but
no trace has been found of any picture being sent out.

On 9th May the ships sailed from Simon's Bay with
a good supply of fresh stores, and with healthy crews,
they picked up the south-east trades on the 14th, and on
13th June crossed the line in longitude 26° 16' W. The
coast of Ireland was sighted on 12th August, and an
attempt was made to get into Galway Bay, but strong
southerly winds drove them to the north, and at length,
rounding the north of Scotland, they put into Stromness,
whence Captain King was despatched overland with
letters to the Admiralty. The ships, sailing down the
east coast, arrived off the Nore on 4th October, after
an absence of ^*four years, two months, and twenty-
two days."

On 14th February 1781, Captain King, accompanied
by Mr Banks, was presented to His Majesty, who
received him most graciously, and accepted the Journals
of the Resolution and Discovery that had been kept during
this eventful voyage.

The knife with which Captain Cook was killed was
said by a man named Joseph Watson of Ugglebarnby
near Whitby to have been brought home by his half-
brother, Leonard Watson, who was some forty years
older than himself, and had been a sailor with the
expedition. It seems improbable that the weapon
could have fallen into the hands of any of either of
the crews, and amongst them the name of Leonard
Watson is not to be found, therefore the story may
be dismissed.

CHAPTER XIX

APPRECIATIONS — MRS COOK

Nothing had been heard of the expedition for some
time, and that some of the public were getting anxious,
is to be seen from the paragraphs that appeared
occasionally in the newspapers. The Public Advertiser
of 5th November 1779 says:

**The public have been kind enough to express
some apprehensions concerning Captain Cook. The
ground of those apprehensions is as follows. Captain
Cook was to have wintered at Canton. Two ships
which are arrived from thence, left that place, one a
little before the other a week after Christmas. At
their departure Captain Cook was not arrived there :
but as he could not possibly be at the above mentioned
port before Christmas, and as he must depend on the
winds, it might be a month after ; from these considera-
tions there is yet good room for hope that this able
Navigator is still safe."

Five days afterwards the same paper says :

"Captain Cooke has not been heard from by his
Relations. Therefore all Accounts of him most
probably have been founded on Conjecture. Proper
methods have been taken to convey the earliest
Information to him of the distinguished Mark of
Favour shown him by the King of France, in order
that he may pursue his Voyage home without Apprehen-
sion of Molestation."

Is it possible that some rumours of misfortune to the
expedition had by this time reached England, or were

490

XIX.] NEWSPAPER REPORTS 491

these paragraphs merely the result of a natural anxiety,
rising out of the length of time which had elapsed
without news? However that may be, the blow soon
fell, for on nth January 1780 the London Gazette con-
tained the following :

** Captain Gierke of His Majesty's Sloop the
Resolution^ in a letter to Mr Stephens, dated the 8th of
June 1779, in the Harbour of St Peter and St Paul,
Kampschatka, which was received yesterday, gives the
melancholy account of the celebrated Captain Cook, late
Commander of that Sloop, with four of his private
Marines having been killed on the 14th of February
last at the island of O'Why'he, one of a Group of
new discovered Islands in the 22nd Degree of North
Latitude, in an affray with a numerous and tumultuous
Body of the Natives."

** Captain Gierke adds, that he received every friendly
supply from the Russian Government ; and that as the
Companies of the Resolution and her Consort, the
Discovery^ were in perfect Health, and the two Sloops
had twelve months Stores and Provisions on board,
he was preparing to make another Attempt to explore
a Northern Passage to Europe."

Another paragraph in the same paper says :

** It is with the utmost concern we inform the Public,
that the celebrated Circumnavigator Captain Cook, and
four of his People, were killed by the Inhabitants of a
new discovered Island in the South Seas, in 22 N. L.
and 200 E. L. from Greenwich. The Captain and Crew
were first treated as Deities, but upon their revisiting
that Island, some proved inimical. Hostilities ensued
and the above melancholy Scene was the Consequence.
This Account is come from Kamschatka by Letters from
Captain Gierke and others. But the Crews of the Ships
were in a very good State of Health, and all in the most
desirable Condition. This untimely and ever to be
lamented Fate of so intrepid, so able, and so intelligent
a Sea-Officer, may justly be considered as an irreparable
Loss to the Public, as well as to his Family, for in him

^^2 APPRECIATIONS [chap.

were united every useful and amiable quality that could
adorn his Profession ; nor was his singular Modesty
less conspicuous than his other Virtues. His successful
Experiments to preserve the Healths of his Crews are
well known, and his Discoveries will be an everlasting
Honour to his Country."

The London Gazette of 8th February says :

'*The Empress of Russia expressed a most deep
Concern at the Loss of Captain Cook. She was the
the more sensibly affected from her very partial regard
to his merits ; and when she was informed of the
Hospitality shewn by the Russian Government at
Kamschatka to Captain Clerke, she said no subjects
in her Dominions could show too much Friendship for
the Survivors of Captain Cook."

Again, the same paper: **The Account of the
melancholy Loss of Captain Cook came express through
Petersburgh from Kamskatka." That is to say the
letters written by Captain Clerke towards the end of
June at the extreme East of Asia, were sent across the
Continent to Petersburg, and thence, vid Berlin, to
London in six months. A very short time if the
difficulties of transit that must necessarily have been
encountered are taken into consideration.

The Morning Chronicle of 17th January strikes a
jarring note in the chorus of regret and appreciation,
by the hand of a correspondent, who, whilst admitting
that Cook was a great man, yet hints that the natives
considered him as a pirate, and that it was a wonder
he had not been killed long before. The chief thing
that appears to have struck him is the rapidity with
which the letter containing the news was received,
and ^*as safely as if it had been put into a penny-post-
office in the parish of St Paul's, Covent Garden. This is
civilization." He also suggests that Dr Johnson should
be asked to write the account of the voyage, remarking

XIX.] COLUMBUS DEFENDS 493

'' It is strange that Dr J. was overpassed before. Great
adventures should be recorded by great men."

The following day the Chronicle contained the
following reply ;

*^Our correspondent in yesterday's paper is desired
to say on which of Cap*- Cook's actions he founds
his assertion that ' had we been born in an island in
the South Seas, we should perhaps have called him a
pirate.' This explanation is the more necessary as the
whole of the reflections, as they are called, on Cap^-
Cook, etc., seem introduced for no other purpose but
to convey this insinuation. No person who is capable
of reflection ever thought it a remarkable circumstance
that he should be killed, but that he should so often
have escaped. The writer of this had frequently heard
Capt- Cook himself make this reflection, but he did
not think it a jot the less his duty to land and learn
what he could of the manners of the people, and the
produce of the places he visited because he ran some
risk in doing it."

On 22nd January the Morning Chronicle publishes a
longer letter which seems to have been written by one
who had been a witness of his methods of procedure,
who claims to have been a personal friend, and, from one
or two turns of expression, may possibly have been Sir
Joseph Banks. It is here produced in extenso,

**SiR, — Having cast my eye over an article in your
paper of the 17th instant beginning with the words
* Poor Captain Cook ! ' the veneration I have for the
memory of my deceased friend makes me immediately
put pen to paper, to express my concern thai any one
should talk unfeelingly of that great man, whom I
consider as one of the most meritorious characters
that this nation has produced ; for it may be truly
said that his talents as a seaman and discoverer were
superior to everything that went before him, and
his private virtues, at least, equal to his professional
qualifications.

''To rescue him, therefore, from the animadversions

494

APPRECIATIONS [chap.

of those, who (if men of sense) can only speak slightly
of him from not knowing his character, I must beg
leave to trouble you with some information relative to
the endowments of this most valuable person, which,
from long knowledge of, and intercourse with him, I
may venture to term authentic and not misrepresented.

*^I desire to call to your memory that, beside the
merit of having by a series of public services raised
himself to a situation eminently above his most sanguine
expectations, his genius broke forth, and enabled him
to emerge from obscurity, by giving proofs of the most
shining capacity in every qualification that could be
required in a discoverer of unknown countries.

** Taught by his early education to sail always near
the shore, and by frequent practice deeply versed in
all the manoeuvres necessary to preserve ships from the
dangers to which the vicinity of land exposes them,
he was never afraid of approaching an unknown coast,
and would for weeks and months together persevere to
sail amongst sands and shoals, the very appearance
of which would have been thought by most seamen
a sufficient reason for leaving them ; which fact, by
comparing the accounts of his voyages with those of
some other late discoverers, will be truly verified. He
trusted in the most cases to the lead, but in some, sent
boats to sound ahead of his ship.

^' His paternal courage was undaunted.

^' His patience and perseverance not to be fatigued.

**His knowledge in the art of practical surveying
inferior to no man's.

^' His skill in mathematics and astronomy was com-
pleat, as far as those sciences are necessary to a seaman.

^' His great attention to the cleanliness of his people,
and other minuti^ of discipline (nothing of which he
trusted to any one but himself) were the great causes
of that wonderful health which his ship's company
always enjoyed.

'*The humanity with which he treated the natives
of all places, where he had occasion to touch, had
carried him safe through a variety of nations, among
whom were many different tribes of warlike and
barbarous people; but his attention to the safety of
those under his command, and his fixed resolution that
no one should incur more danger than himself, made

XIX.] COLUMBUS DEFENDS 495

it his constant measure never to trust any man ashore
without him in an unknown country, till a good under-
standing with the natives had taken place : but, alas !
it is to this humane and laudable disposition that the
loss of his life is most probably to be attributed, as he
seems to have fallen a sacrifice to his having put himself
foremost in attempting to procure redress for the insults
his companions had received from the Indians, and to
his having placed too much confidence in the return of
benevolence which uncivilized people so generally make
to those who treat them like fellow-creatures, and which
he so frequently experienced.

^*His diligence and application were beyond
example ; for by that alone, even amidst his various
occupations, he so far supplied the want of education
as to be able, on his return from his second voyage,
to write a book, the very style of which was approved,
I had almost said admired, by the publick.

*^His economy was very uncommon, and made
him personally attend with the strictest care to the
expenditure of stores, by which means alone he was
enabled to make his materials hold out in the long
voyages which he made, without a possibility of supply.

*^His manner of living was calculated not for his
own comfort, but for what he thought would be most
beneficial to the people under his care ; for he eat
constantly at his own table the usual food of the
inhabitants of the country he was in, except when he
was amongst the cannibals of New Zealand ; which
example he contrived to have followed by far the greater
part of his crew, lengthening out by this means his
European provisions which alone could be kept for any
length of time.

**In short, if being a most able and distinguished
character in the line of life he had taken and to the
summit of which he had raised himself by his merits
only, entitles him to the approbation of mankind in
general, surely a tear is due to his untimely fate, when
he was on the point of returning to his native country
to enjoy the applause which would have been bestowed
on him by every scientific man, and the comfort that
awaited him in domestic life, and in an honourable
retirement for the rest of his days. — I am. Sir, your
very humble servant, Columbus."

496 APPRECIATIONS [chap.

The Gazetteer of 24th January says :

'' His Majesty, who had always the highest opinion
of Captain Cook, shed tears when Lord vSandwich
informed him of his death and immediately ordered a
pension of ;^ 300 a year for his widow."

The amount granted to Mrs Cook really was ;^200
per annum. In addition to this, the Admiralty handed
over to her half the proceeds of the ''Journal of the
Third Voyage," a share in the profits of the ''Journal
of the Second Voyage," and a share of the plates used
in illustrating the two ; an addition to her income of a
considerable sum. A Coat of Arms was also granted
to the family by order of the King, and Sir Walter
Besant records his belief that it was the last one ever
granted as a "recognition of service." He describes
it as follows :

"Azure, between the two polar stars Or, a sphere
on the plane of the meridian, shewing the Pacific Ocean,
his track thereon marked by red lines. And for crest,
on a wreath of the colours, is an arm bowed, in the
uniform of a Captain of the Royal Navy. In the hand
is the Union Jack on a staff proper. The arm is
encircled by a wreath of palm and laurel. A very
noble shield indeed."

The estimation in which Cook was held by the
scientific world, not only of Britain and Europe, but
also of the newly constituted United States of America,
was marked by the letters of safe conduct issued on his
behalf by the governments of France, Spain, and the
United States before his death was known — letters such
as had never before been issued for the benefit of any
explorer. And it has since been more especially marked
by the contributions of respect and admiration from
men, who, following closely in his footsteps, have had
the best opportunities of judging the true value of his
work.

XIX.] M. D'URVILLE AND SIR W. WHARTON 497

It has already been noted how M, de Crozet, on
comparing Cook's charts of New Zealand with his
own, recognised their superiority, and did not hesitate
to adopt them as more correct. In 1836 M. Dumont
d'Urville wrote :

**Le nom de Cook rappellera perpetuellement aux
marins et aux geographes des nations civilisees, ce
navigateur, le plus illustre des siecles passes et futurs.
Nul ne rendit de si grands services a la navigation,
et Tetat actuel de nos connaissances ne permettrait
pas a un homme meme superieur a Cook, d'arriver
au meme degre de celebrite. En lui la nature semblait
avoir forme le veritable type du marin, et nul n'a
honore autant que lui ce metier penible et plein de
degouts et d'ennuis pour qui veut en remplir dignement
tous les devoirs. Sous ce rapport, nous le repetons,
Cook figura eternellement a la tete des navigateurs de
tous les siecles et de toutes les nations."

The late Admiral Sir W. J. Wharton has stated
that many of Cook's charts are even now the basis
of those actually in use at the Admiralty, and of these
there is much that has been found to require no altera-
tion. This fact speaks highly for the accuracy of
his work, and when consideration is given to the
means at his disposal, which, though the best procur-
able at the time, were far below the standard of those
obtainable at the present day, it points to an enormous
amount of care in observing, checking, and calculating
to ensure that accuracy.

The Royal Society was naturally amongst the first
to recognise the worth of its late Fellow. It had
granted already one of its highest honours to him for
his successful contest with the scurvy, in the form of
the Copley Gold Medal, and it now decided to mark
its appreciation by striking a special gold medal in
his honour. This was duly forwarded to Mrs Cook

2 I

498 APPRECIATIONS [chap.

by Sir Joseph Banks, the President, with the following
letter.

"SoHO Square,
'^i2th August 1784.

** Madame — By the direction of the Council of the
Royal Society, I request you to accept from them a
Medal in Gold, struck in honour of your late husband
Captain Cook, and in consideration of the many services
he did to the cause of science.

**As his friend, I join to yours my sincere regret
for the loss this nation has suffered in the death of
so valuable a man, and that which the Royal Society
feels in so useful a member ; but while we lament his
loss with a tear of real affliction, we must not forget
that his well-spent life secures to us who survive him,
that best consolation, the recollection that his name
will live for ever in the remembrance of a people,
grateful for the services his labours have afforded to
mankind in general.

*' Cease, then, Madame, to lament a man whose
virtues have exacted a tribute of regret from a large
portion of the natives of the earth, and let your best
affections continue the task they have hitherto so well
fulfilled in training up his son in the paths of virtue
and honour, that under the influence of his Father's
example, he will emulate at least, and perhaps attain
as great a share of well-earned reputation as his Father
left behind, to dry the tears of us who survive him.
— I am, Madame, etc., Joseph Banks."

To this Mrs Cook wrote in reply :

" Mile End,
" i6th August 1784.

**Sir,--I received your exceeding kind letter of the
1 2th instant, and want words to express in any adequate
degree my feelings on the very singular honour which
you, sir, and the honourable and learned Society over
which you so worthily preside, have been pleased to
confer on my late husband, and through him on me and
his children who are left to lament the loss of him, and

MEDAL STRUCK TO COMMEMORATE THE DEPARTURE OF THE SECOND
EXPEDITION UNDER COOK.

GOLD MEDAL IN HONOUR OF CAPTAIN COOK, STRUCK BY ORDER
OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY.

\_Toface p. 49^.

XIX.] ROYAL SOCIETY'S MEDAL 499

to be the receivers of those most noble marks of approba-
tion, which, if Providence had been pleased to permit
him to receive, would have rendered me very happy
indeed.

*^ Be assured, sir, that however unequal I may be to
the task of expressing it, I feel as I ought the high
honour which the Royal Society has been pleased to
do me. My greatest pleasure now remaining is in
my sons, who, I hope, will ever strive to copy after
so good an example, and, animated by the honours
bestowed on their Father's memory, be ambitious of
attaining by their own merits your iiotice and approba-
tion. Let me entreat you to add to the many acts of
friendship which I have already received at your hands,
that of expressing my gratitude and thanks to that
learned body in such a manner as may be acceptable to
them. — I am. Sir, etc., etc., Eliz. Cook."

It is greatly to be regretted that so little can be
ascertained about Cook's private life that will be of
assistance in forming an estimate of his character, but
this is hardly to be wondered at, seeing that after
he joined the Navy he had little time to devote to
the formation of friendships outside his profession ;
and as for keeping up a correspondence with his
relations and earlier acquaintances, that was a matter
of great difficulty from want of opportunities, and
also a question of very considerable expense. It is
known that he wrote several letters to Mr Walker
of Whitby, most of which have, unfortunately, been
destroyed without leaving behind any record of their
contents, but, judging from what are left, they probably
consisted chiefly of the mention of events in which
he took a part, but with little information as to what
that part was. His letters to his wife, probably not
a very large number, were most likely, as Canon
Bennett suggests, destroyed by her during her life,
because she held them too sacred to be seen by any
other eye than her own ; none were found after her
death.

joo APPRECIATIONS [chap.

There are also his letters to the Admiralty, confined
to professional matters, and the letters relating to the
publication of his Voyages. In addition, there are
a few references to him by men of position in the
scientific world, with whom he had come in contact after
he had made his reputation as an explorer; but even
these are few, and scanty in detail, and for so dis-
tinguished a man, there is a most curious dearth of
personal anecdote, even from those who were in close
companionship with him on his voyages.

Of the remaining materials, the chief are a short
sketch of his life by Captain King, which, unfortunately,
shows the editing hand of Dr Douglas, and is also,
more unfortunately, inaccurate in several of his state-
ments as to Cook's earlier career in the Navy. For
instance, he credits Sir Hugh Palliser with Cook's
first promotion on the Eagle, but it has been shown
by the Public Records that it took place before Palliser
had command of that ship. He says that Cook '* con-
ducted the embarkation to the Heights of Abraham."
If this means, as it has been construed by more than
one writer (one even places him within hearing of
the recitation by Wolfe of Gray's Elegy), the actual
landing of the troops, it is untrue, as the log of the
Pembroke proves that he was employed elsewhere ; but
it is highly probable that he would be employed in
superintending the boats of his own ship when engaged
in transferring troops to Point Levi a few days previous
to the battle. Captain King also places Cook as Master
on board the Northumberland about two years before he
attained that position. Still, these errors do not detract
from the value of his opinions of the character of Cook,
of whom he evidently thought very highly. -^

King says that Cook

^'appears to have been most eminently and peculiarly
qualified for this species of enterprise (discovery). The

XIX.] KING'S CHARACTER OF COOK 501

earliest habits of his life, the course of his services, and
the constant application of his mind, all conspired to fit
him for it, and gave him a degree of professional
knowledge which can fall to the lot of very few. The
constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour,
and capable of undergoing the severest hardships. His
stomach bore, without difficulty, the coarsest and most
ungrateful food. Indeed, temperance in him was
scarcely a virtue ; so great was the indifference with
which he submitted to every kind of self-denial. The
qualities of his mind were of the same hardy, vigorous
kind with those of his body. His understanding was
strong and perspicacious ; his judgment, in whatever
related to the services he was engaged in, quick and
sure. His designs were bold and manly, and both in
conception, and in the mode of execution, bore evident
marks of a great original genius. His courage was cool
and determined, and accompanied with an admirable
presence of mind in the moment of danger. His
manners were plain and unaffected. His temper might
perhaps have been justly blamed as subject to hastiness
and passion, had not these been disarmed by a dis-
position the most benevolent and humane.

'* Such were the outlines of Captain Cook's character ;
but its most distinguishing feature was that unremitting
perseverance in the pursuit of his object, which was not
only superior to the opposition of dangers, and the
pressure of hardships, but even exempt from the want
of ordinary relaxation. During the long and tedious
voyages in which he was engaged, his eagerness and
activity were never in the least abated. No incidental
temptation could detain him for a moment ; even those
intervals of recreation, which sometimes unavoidably
occurred, and were looked for by us with a longing
that persons who have experienced the fatigues of
service will readily excuse, were submitted to by him
with a certain impatience, whenever they could not be
employed in making further provision for the more
effectual prosecution of his designs." . . . *^With
respect to his professional abilities, I shall leave them
to the judgment of those who are best acquainted with
the nature of the services in which he was engaged.
They will readily acknowledge, that to have conducted
three expeditions of so much danger and difficulty, of

502 APPRECIATIONS [chap.

so unusual a length, and in such a variety of situation,
with uniform and invariable success, must have required
not only a thorough and accurate knowledge of his
business, but a powerful and comprehensive genius,
fruitful in resources, and equally ready in the application
of Avhatever the higher and inferior calls of the service
required."

A second and most valuable appreciation of Cook is
that written by Mr Samwell, Surgeon's Mate on the
Resolution till the death of Mr Anderson, when he was
promoted to Surgeon of the Discovery in place of Mr
Law, appointed to the former ship. He says :

** Nature had endowed him with a mind vigorous
and comprehensive, which in his riper years he had
cultivated with care and industry. His general
knowledge was extensive and various ; in that of his
own profession he was unequalled. With a clear
judgment, strong masculine sense, and the most
determined resolution ; with a genius peculiarly turned
for enterprise, he pursued his object with unshaken
perseverance : — vigilant and active in an eminent
degree : cool and intrepid among dangers : patient
and firm under difficulties and distress : fertile in
expedients : great and original in all his designs,
active and resolved in carrying them into execution.
These qualities rendered him the animating spirit of the
expedition : in every situation he stood unrivalled and
alone : on him all eyes were turned : he was our
leading star, which at its setting left us involved in
darkness and despair. His constitution was strong,
his mode of living temperate : why Captain King
should not suppose temperance as great a virtue in
him as in any other man I am unable to guess. He
had no repugnance to good living; he always kept
a good table, though he could bear the reverse without
murmuring. He was a modest man, and rather
bashful ; of an agreeable lively conversation, sensible
and intelligent. In his temper he was somewhat hasty,
but of a disposition the most friendly, benevolent and
humane. His person was above six feet high, and
though a good-looking man, he was plain both in

XIX.] SAMWELL'S CHARACTER OF COOK 503

address and appearance. His head was small ; his hair,
which was dark brown, he wore tied behind. His face
was full of expression, his nose exceedingly well shaped,
his eyes, which were small and of a brown cast, were
quick and piercing : his eyebrows prominent, which
gave his countenance altogether an air of austerity.
He was beloved by his people, who looked up to him
as a father, and obeyed his commands with alacrity.
The confidence we placed in him was unremitting : our
admiration of his great talents unbounded : our esteem
for his good qualities affectionate and sincere.

*'In exploring unknown countries, the dangers he
had to encounter were various and uncommon. On
such occasions he always displayed great presence of
mind, and steady perseverence in pursuit of his object.
The acquisition he has made to our knowledge of the
globe is immense, besides improving the art of naviga-
tion and enriching the science of natural philosophy.

*^He was remarkably distinguished for the activity
of his mind : it was that which enabled him to pay an
unwearied attention to every object of the service. The
strict economy he observed in the expenditure of the
ships' stores, and the unremitting care he employed
for the preservation of the health of his people, were
the causes that enabled him to prosecute discoveries in
remote parts of the globe for such a length of time as
had been deemed impracticable by former navigators.
The method he discovered of preserving the health of
seamen in long voyages will transmit his name to
posterity as the friend and benefactor of mankind ; the
success which attended it afforded this truly great man
more satisfaction than the distinguished fame that
attended his discoveries."

Captain King and Mr Sam well both speak of Cook's
hasty temper, and they have been followed, naturally,
by the biographers. It is most probable that there is
foundation for the accusation, but the chief occasion on
which that hasty temper was shown and brought
forward to prove the assertion, is the unfortunate case
of the native whose ears were cut off for threatening
the life of Omiah and for theft, and occurred when

504

APPRECIATIONS [chap.

Cook was very seriously ill. On the other hand, the
recorded punishments during the whole of the three
voyages were not only very few in number, but also
much less severe than those to be found in the logs of
the men-of-war of that period, when the lash was almost
the only recognised penalty for all offences, however
small. Three dozen lashes appears to have been the
highest number awarded at a time, when hundreds
were often allotted to the unfortunate offenders against
discipline. At the same time, it may be gathered from
the Journals of his voyages that he was well aware of
his shortness of temper, for he does not hesitate to
express his regret when he has to register the
occurrence of any untoward events in his dealings with
the natives of the various islands at which he touched.
That Mr Samwell is right in his view of Cook's
temperance is evident from the Journals, in which Cook
often shows his appreciation of the good things of this
life, and his abstemiousness and unconcern as to the
living on board his ships was undoubtedly prominently
displayed for the sake of influencing the crews to their
own benefit, and he looked upon it as a duty he owed
to the service to enable him to carry out the designs of
his superiors. He expressly states that he relied on
example more than orders in carrying out his theories
on the preservation of the health of his people, and he
shows how strongly he felt any signs of ingratitude in
return for his constant care and thought for their
interests ; and he had early recognised that these
interests of health and well-being were only to be
preserved by his insistence on those small points,
hitherto considered too trivial, being most carefully
watched so that the dreaded scurvy should not gain a
footing on his ships.

The Gentleman's Magazine, speaking of his death,
remarks: *'His character was calculated to command
love and respect, being equally brave, modest, and

XIX.] ESTEEMED BY HIS CREWS 505

intelligent in his profession." That it commanded the
respect and confidence of his superiors is shown by the
almost unquestioned manner in which his demands for
the supplies of his ships were met, by the evident care
taken in the selection of his officers, and by the quality
of his juniors who accompanied him to qualify for
commissions in the Navy, several of whom in after
years greatly distinguished themselves in the service
of their country. That he commanded the love and
respect of his men is proved by the fact that several
accompanied him through all three voyages, and several
more through two, and by the ease with which he filled
up his complement when it was announced he was to
hoist his pennant : he had on both the last voyages to
turn over to other ships men who were in excess of his
number. It is also proved by the testimony of those
who have left any records of his second and third
voyages, in which they remark on the depression that
was felt on board when it became known that the
captain was seriously, perhaps dangerously, ill. Mr
Forster is particularly emphatic on the point, and Marra,
the gunner's mate, whose Journal was published by
Newbery, relates how the different fluctuations of his
illness could be read from the faces of the crew, and
when he was seen on deck once more he notes: *^The
Captain perfectly recovered from his illness, to the great
joy of the ship's company."

There is no record that Cook had any great interest
in subjects that were not closely connected with his
profession, and Sam well's remark that **his general
knowledge was extensive and various," must be taken
in that light ; but it does not detract from the marvellous
capacity of the man for acquiring knowledge under what
must have been often very disadvantageous conditions,
when it is taken into consideration that the number
of different subjects, with which he must have been
fairly familiar in order to carry out the objects of his

5o6 MRS COOK [chai>.

expeditions, was large, and the opportunities for study-
owing to his continual professional occupation could
have been but small.

There are other records, besides those of King and
Samwell, which, though, unfortunately, but scanty,
corroborate the impression that he was rather inclined
to be silent and retiring, but when he spoke, he spoke
well and with understanding. In documents like the
Journals of his Voyages, in which he carefully
endeavours to confine himself to a plain statement of
facts, and the deductions he drew from them, there is
not much scope to judge of the man himself, but every
now and then there peeps out a spirit of fun, and on
several occasions the signs of the kindly and generous
heart with which he was most certainly endowed.

His married life, as has before been pointed out, was
a strange one. United for sixteen years to his wife, he
only enjoyed her society for short periods at a time,
which, added together, amounted to about four years,
and even then he was always strenuously engaged either
in perfecting his charts, surveys, and journals for the
Admiralty, preparing them for the press, or urging on,
and personally superintending, the preparations for fresh
expeditions. When at last he might have looked
forward to spending the evening of his life in the full
enjoyment of his home, surrounded by his wife, family,
and friends, and reaping the benefit of the additional
well-deserved honours that assuredly would have been
dealt out to him with no niggard hand, he was struck
down by a cruel fate, and left his bones beneath those
waters he had done so much to reveal to the world at
large.

Mrs Cook was not permitted to see her desire fulfilled
that her children should follow in their father's foot-
steps, for of their six children, one died in 1768 at the
age of one month ; their only daughter, Elizabeth, in
1771, aged four years; a second son died in 1772, aged

XIX.] DEATH OF ELDEST SON 507

four months. Of the three remaining sons, Nathaniel,
an officer on board H.M.S. Thunderer^ perished when
that ship was lost in a hurricane off the coast of
Jamaica in October 1780, at the age of sixteen, and
before the year was out the news had reached his
mother, who was still in ignorance of the fact that she
was also a widow. The youngest son, Hugh, named
after Sir Hugh Palliser, was born in 1776, remained at
home with Mrs Cook, and was entered at Christ's
College, Cambridge, in 1793, but after being in
residence for two months, he contracted scarlet fever,
and died on 21st December of that year. The eldest
son, James, was educated at the Royal Academy at
Portsmouth under a letter dated ist October 1774,
to which Mr Phillips, who signed the letter in the
absence of the Secretaries, adds the following post-
script :

^* I am to observe that this young gentleman, being
the son of Capt"- Cook, is proposed to be admitted in
consequence of the plan lately established by his Majesty
in Council."

It is addressed to James Gambier, Esq., Portsmouth.
Young Cook joined the Navy and rose to the rank
of Commander in 1793, and early in January of the
following year was appointed to H.M. Sloop Spitfire^
which was then at Portsmouth. He was at Poole
when he received orders to join his ship without delay,
and finding that an open boat was about to start for
Portsmouth with sailors returning from leave, he
accompanied them. It was blowing rather hard when
they got outside, and nothing was ever heard again
of any of the crew or passengers, excepting that the
broken boat and the dead body of the unfortunate
young officer, stripped of all money and valuables,
with a wound in the head, were found ashore on the
Isle of Wight. The body was taken to Cambridge

5o8 MRS COOK [chap.

and interred in the Church of St Andrew the Great,
where his brother Hugh had been laid to rest but a
few weeks before. Truly a sad family history.

Mrs Cook survived her husband for fifty-six years,
and her eldest son for forty-one. She died at the age of
ninety-three at Clapham, where she and her cousin,
Admiral Isaac Smith, had resided for some years, and
was buried with her children at Cambridge. Canon
Bennett, who remembered her well, described her to
Besant as

*'a handsome, venerable lady, her white hair rolled
back in ancient fashion, always dressed in black satin ;
with an oval face, an aquiline nose, and a good mouth.
She wore a ring with her husband's hair in it ; and
she entertained the highest respect for his memory,
measuring everything by his standard of honour and
morality. Her keenest expression of disapprobation
was that * Mr Cook' — to her he was always Mr Cook,
not Captain — ^ would never have done so.' Like many
widows of sailors, she could never sleep in high wind
for thinking of the men at sea, and she kept four days
in the year of solemn fasting, during which she came
not out of her own room : they were the days of her
bereavements : the days when she had lost her husband
and her three boys. She passed those days in prayer
and meditation with her husband's Bible ; and for her
husband's sake she befriended the nephews and grand-
nephews and nieces and grand-nieces of his whom she
never saw ; they were not suffered to want."

She kept her faculties to the end, and with her
pension, her sons' fortune, and her share of the profits
of the publications, she became a moderately wealthy
woman and was able to live in comfort and entertain her
friends : she had a dinner party every Thursday at three
o'clock. The house was filled with curiosities, drawings,
and maps brought home from the different voyages.
After her death some of these relics of her husband's
services were presented to the British Museum, whilst

XIX.] MEMORIALS 509

others have been secured by the Government of New
South Wales, and are now in the Museum at Sydney.

Some few memorials have been erected to Captain
Cook, chiefly by private effort. There are two or
three in the immediate neighbourhood of his birth-
place ; two in Sydney, one of which is by Thomas
Woolner, R.A. ; one recently erected at Poverty Bay,
New Zealand ; one at Cooktown in Queensland, near
the spot where the Endeavour was beached for repairs.
These few make the sum total, and it seems strange
that this great discoverer, and perhaps the greatest
benefactor that the maritime services of all nations
ever had, has been so neglected, whilst lesser men
whose lives have not been so useful to mankind, have
been remembered.

APPENDIX

OFFICERS AND MEN OF H.M.S. ENDEAVOUR

Lieutenant- Commander — James Cook.

Second Lieutenant — Zack. Hicks.^ Third Lieutenant — John
Gore.

Master — R. Molineaux.^ Gunner — Stephen Forwood
(Gunner Surprise^. Boatswain — John Gathery.^

Surgeon — W. B. Monkhouse.^ Carpenter — Jas. Satterly.^
Master's Mates — Chas. Gierke, afterwards Lieutenant. R. Pickers-
gill, afterwards Master. F. Wilkinson. Midshipmen — Jas. Bootie,^
Wm. Harvey, Jas. Magra, Isaac Manley, J. Monkhouse,^ Pat.
Saunders, Isaac Smith. Sailmaker — Thos. Ravenhill.^

Clerk — R. Orton (Purser Levant). Armourer — R. Taylor.
Cook — Jas. Thompson. 2 Gunner's Mate — D. Roberts.

Carpenter's Mates — R. Hughes, Wm. Jordan. ^ Boatswain' s
Mates — Thos. Hardiman, afterwards Sailmaker. E. Hutchings,
Isaac Parker, Jno. Reading.^ Surgeon's Mate — Wm. Perry,
afterwards Surgeon. Quarter-masters — Sam Evans, afterwards
Boatswain's Mate (Boatswain Stromboli\ Alec. Weir.'* Cook's
Mate — Thos. Matthews.

Able Seamen — Robt. Anderson, afterwards Quarter-master,
Jas. Charlton, Jas. Childs, afterwards Cook. Wm. Collett, Jas.
Cook [2], Natl. Cook, M. Cox, Ed. Dawson, Jas. Dozey,^ Peter
Flower,* Jas. Goodjohn, Jas. Gray, afterwards Quarter-master.
Fras. Haite,'^ Wm. Howson,^ H. Jeffs,^ Isaac Johnson, Saml.
Jones, Thos. Jones [i], Thos. Jordan, Thos. Knight, M.

^ Died of Consumption. ' Died of fever and dysentery.

^ Died, alcoholic poison. * Drowned.

5 Died, fit. 6 Frozen.

511

512 APPENDIX

Littleboy, R. Littleboy, S. Moody, Natl. Morey, Jas. Nicholson, 2
G. Nowell, afterwards Carpenter, Scorpion. W. Peckover, Ant.
Ponto, Jno. Ramsay, Tim. Rearden,^ Thos. Simmonds, Alec.
Simpson,2 R. Stainsby, H. F. Stevens, Forbes Sutherland,^
Ed. Terrill, Jas. Thurmand,^ Jas. Tunley, Chas. Williams,
M. Wolfe, Jno. Woodworth,^ Nichs. Young, Mr Perry's servant,
afterwards A.B. Thos. Jones [2], Mr Monkhouse's servant.

A.B. — entered at Rio, E. Pereira.^ A.B.s — entered at
Batavia, D. Baptista, Jas. Brewer, Wm. Burn, Jas. Campbell,
Thos. Goldsmith, R. Hill, Jas. Joyce, Jno. Legge, Alec. Lindsay,^
Jas. Marra, P. Morgan,^ Wm. Moulton, P. Nichols, Chas.
Provall, Jno. Smith, Saml. Smith, Jno. Torrance,^ R. Thomas. ^
Entered at Cape of Good Hope, Claus. Fick, Turkhill Hansen,
Canute Olafsen, Thos. Roberts, Chris. Stalbourne, Ant van
Sake.

Marines — Sergeant — Jno. Edgecombe. Corporal — Jas.
Truslove.2 Privates — Saml. Gibson, afterwards Corporal. Jno.
Bowles, Thos. Dunster,^ Wm. Greenslade,* W. Judge, H. T. Paul,
D. Peterson,^ Alec. Webb, Wm. Wilshire. Drummer — Thos.
Rossiter.

Supernumeraries.— Astronomer — Chas. Green,^ Joseph Banks,
Chas. Solander, H. Sporing, S. Parkinson,^ Jno. Reynolds,^
A. Buchan,^ Jas. Roberts, P. Briscoe. G. Dorlton,« and Thos.
Richmond,* coloured servants to Mr Banks.

N.B. — Not one death from scurvy ; only five cases on the
sick-list throughout the voyage.

The words in brackets relate to subsequent appointments,
etc.

* Died of Consumption. 2 Dje^j Qf fg^^j. ^^^ dysentery.

* Drowned. s Died, fit. « Frozen.

APPENDIX 513

OFFICERS AND MEN OF H.M.S. RESOLUTION.
COOK'S SECOND VOYAGE

Captain — James Cook.

Lieutenants — R. P. Cooper (Commander Hawke), Chas.
Gierke, Rd. Pickersgill (Commander Lyon, dismissed ship).

Master — Joseph Gilbert (Lieutenant retired). Gunner —
Robt. Anderson. Ca?-penter — Jas. Wallis {Firm).

Surgeon — W. Patten. Boatswain — Jas. Gray {Essex).
Armourer — Mat. Brown. Mastei^s Mates — J. D. Barr, Thos.
Whitehouse, A. Hood (Captain Mars^ killed 1798), Isaac Smith,
(Admiral retired).

Midshipmen — Jas. Colnett, Wm. Harvey, Bowles Mitchell,
Josh. Price, Hy. Roberts, Thos. Willis, Isaac Manley.

Gunnef^s Mates — Wm. Peckover, Jas. Marra. Clerk —
Wm. Dawson. Carpentet^s Mates — Wm. Bevan, Robt. Goulding,
G. Jackson, Jno. Seamer, Hy. Smock. Boatswain's Mates —
D. Anderson, Wm. Ewin, Sol. Reading. Surgeon's Mates —
W. Anderson, B. Drawater. Armourer's Mate — Wm. Drew.

Sailmaker — R. Rollitt. Master-at-Arms — Danl. Clark.
Cook — Jno. Ramsay. Quarter-masters — Ant. Atkins, Wm. Bell,
Sam. Bordall, Jno. Elwell, Jno. Stockton, Pat. Wheilan.
Ship's Corporal — Jno. Frazier.

Cook's Mates — Ed. Barrett, Peter Reynolds.

Able Seamen — Wm. Atkinson, Jno. Bernard, Jno. Blackburn,
Wm. Briscoe, Jas. Cave, Jno. Coghlan, Rd. Collett, Wm. Collett,
Thos. Connell, R. Corbett, Jas. Davies, Ed. Dawson, Jas. Day,
Thos. Driver, Jno. Elliott, Thos. Fenton, M. Flinn, S. Freesland,
R. Grindall, Jno. Harrison, Jno. Hayes, And. Horn, Jno. Innel,
Jno. KippHn, R. Lee, Jno. Lerwick, Chris. Logic, Jno.
Marchant, Jas. Maxwell, Jno. Mills, S. Munk, Wm. Nash,
Jas. Onwin, Thos. Perry, Sam. Peterson, Jno. Pierce, Eras.
Scarnell, Thos. Shaw, Jas. Simms, Jno. Smally, Thos. Snowden,
Ed. Terrill, G. Vancouver, Wm. Whatman, Stephen White,
Thos. White, Chas. Williams, Jno. Wybrow, Jas. Burney,
afterwards Lieutenant Adventure, W. Chapman, afterwards Cook
Adventure^ Wm. Lanyon, afterwards Midshipman Adventure.

2 K

514 APPENDIX

Marines— Lieutenant— ]no. Edgecombe (Captain). Sergeant—
Jno. Hamilton. Corporals — Robt. Beard, S. Gibson. Privates —
R. Baldy, Jno. Buttall, Rd. Carpenter, Jno. Commance, Jno.
Harper, A. M'Vicar, D. Monk, Jno. Phillips, Isaac Taylor,
T. Taylor, Wm. Tow, Chas. Twitty, R. Waterfield, W.
Widgeborough, G. Woodward. Drummer— V. Brotherton.

Supernumeraries — Naturalist—]. R. Forster. Assistants —
G. A. Forster, Andreas Sparrman, Ernest Polent. Astronomer —
W. Wales. Servant — G. Gilpin. Artist — Wm. Hodges.
Gardener sent by the King to the Cape of Good Hope^ Eras.
Mason.

N.B. — Four deaths occurred ; not one from scurvy.

OFFICERS AND MEN OF H.M.S. ADVENTURE

Captain — Tobias Furneaux (commanded Syren at New
Orleans).

Lieute?iants — J. Shank, invalided. Cape. A. Kempe,
(Commander Wolf.)

Master — P. Fanning. Gunner — A. Gloag. Boatswain —
Ed. Johns. Surgeon — Thos. Andrews.

Carpenter — Wm. Offord. Master's Mate — J. R. Falconer,
Wm. Hawkey, Jno. Rowe.^

Midshipmen — L. Constable, R. Hergest, S. Kempe,^ J.
Lambrecht,2 D. Lightfoot, G. Mooney, T. Woodhouse.^ Sail-
maker — A. Hill. Gierke — A. Dewar. Ajmourer — Jas. Jamieson.

Gunner's Mates — Wm. Sanderson, Eras. Upton. Boatswain^ s
Mates — Jno. Haley, Jas. Gibbs. Cook — M. Mahoney.^

Carpenter's Mates — Wm. Crispin, Jno. Fagan, Dd. Lewis,
Wm. Medbury, Nat. Willard. Surgeon's Mates — J. Kent, J.
Young. Master-at-Arms — Wm. Carr. Sailmaker's Mate —
Wm. Roberts. Quarter-masters — Robt. Barber, W. Jonsey,
R. Moody, Eras. Murphy,^ Eras. Spencer, Jas. Upton.

Able Seamen — N. Arrowsmith, Micl. BelV Ant. Brazil, R.
Brown, Thos. Carlo, Jas. Cavan, Jas. Cavanagh,^ Jno. Croman,

^ Ivilled in New Zealand. 2 Djg^ of fgver. ^ Died of scurvy.

APPENDIX 515

Thos. Dyke, afterwards Master's Mate. Wm. Facey,^ Jno. Finlay,
Jno. Fish, Thos. Fitzgerald, Thos. Freeman, W. H. Gibbons.
R. Harrison, Ed. Hart, Thos. Hill,^ Jas. Jones,^ Jno. Longford,
Boyd M'Alister, Wm. Milton,^ R. Molloy, Hy. Pryor, Jas.
Rayside, Tobias Swilley,^ Wm. Thomas, Rt. Weaver, Jno. Welby,
Hy. Wight.

Ma?'tnes — Second Lieutenant — Jas. Scott. Se?'geant — Jno.
Molineaux. Corporal — Alex. Mills. Privates — Wm. Alden,
W. Kearney, Dan. Lear, Rd. Reid, Alex. Ross, Donald Stewart,
Bernd. Tannenfried, Jno. Thomas. Drummer — J. Lane.

From Resolution — Lieutenant Jas. Burney. Midshipman — W.
Lanyon. Cook — W. Chapman.

N.B, — Thirteen deaths ; one from scurvy.

OFFICERS AND MEN OF H.M.S. RESOLUTION.
COOK'S THIRD VOYAGE

Captain — James Cook.

Lieutenants — John Gore (Captain, Greenwich Hospital), Jas.
King (Captain, died 1784), Jno. Williamson (Captain at
Camperdown, dismissed his ship for negligence). Master
— Wm. Bligh (Commander Bounty, Governor New South
Wales, deposed ; Admiral). Boatswain — Wm. Ewin. Gunner —
Robt. Anderson. Carpenter — Jas. Clevely.

Surgeon — Wm. Anderson. Clerke—K^t.-yix. Dewar. Armourer
— Wm. Hunt. Cook—Koht. Morris. Sailmaker—W. Weddale.

MasteT^s Mates— \Vm. Hervey, Wm. Lanyon, Hy. Roberts.
Master-at-Arms — Wm. Collett.

Midshipmen— '"^m, Charlton, R. Hergest, Robt. Mackie, W.
Plaisted, D. Shuttleworth, Jas. Trevanion (entered Russian
service, killed in action against Swedes), Jno. Watts. Surgeon's
Mates— D. Samwell, R. Davies.

Carpenter's Mates— G. Barber, Rd. Irvine, A. M'Intosh,
P. Mason, B. Whitton. Armourer's Mate — Thos. Price.

1 Killed in New Zealand. 2 jy^^^ ^f ^^^^ a j^.^^ ^^ scurvy.

5i6 APPENDIX

Boatswain's Mates — Wm. Doyle, Jas. James, Thos. Quinn.
Gunner's Mates — Wm. Bradley, Wm. Brown.

Shifs Corporal— y^m. Griffiths. Cook's Mate—'K^, Young.
Sailmaket^s Mate — Wm. Mackrell.

Quarter-masters — Jno. Cave, Jno. Davis, Jas. Harding, Jas.
Millet, Thos. Roberts, Pat. Wheilan.

Able Seamen — Mat. Beech, Jan Beeker, Peter Bennett, Sam.
Bishop, Jno. Bostick, Jas. Boyd, Jno. Brown, Thos. Butcher,
Wm. Butter, Ed. Cawn, Job Clay, Jas. Conelly, W^m. Crotch,
Mat. Daley, Jas. Dermott, Evan Evans, Jno. Fisher, Jno. Flatman,
Jas. Grant, Jno. Hartley, Aug. Hetherton, Wm. Heideman, A.
Hogg, Jas. King, Rd. Lee, B. Lyon, Jas. M'Lea, D. M'Kenzie,
Wm. Nash, Mat. Pall, Jno. Ramsay, Thos. Rice, Wm. Salmon,
Josh. Smith, Wm. Soby, Micl. Spencer, Wm. Spilsbury, Jno.
Stanley, G. Stewart, Wm. Stirling, Wm. Taylor, Wm. Ward, Wm.
Whatman.

Marines — Lieutenant — Moles worth Phillips (Lieut. -Col., friend
of Chas. Lamb). Sergeant — Sam. Gibson. Corporals — Jas.
Thomas, Jno. Ledyard (attempted to walk through Russia and
Siberia to Kamtschatka, reached Yakutsk, but was turned back ;
died 1790). Privates — Jno. Allen, R. Brown, Ivan Carley, Thos.
Fatchett, Thos. Girley, Thos. Harford, Jno. Harrison, Theophilus
Hincks, Jno. Jackson, Jno. James, Jno. M 'Donald, Jno. M'Leod,
Thos. Morris, Jno. Perkins, Wm. Scrase. Drummer — Micl.
Portsmouth.

Supernumeraries — Artist — Jas. Webber. Omai to Otaheite.

OFFICERS AND MEN OF H.M.S. DISCOVERY

Captain — Charles Gierke.

Lieutenants— ]2iS. Burney (Captain retired), Jno. Rickman.
Master— Thos. Edgar.

Boatswain — ^neas Atkins. Gunner — Wm. Peckover.
Carpenter— K. Reynolds. Surgeon— T\vos. Law.

Master's Mates— S^m. Hollamby, N. Portlock, Alex. Hume,
Wm. Shuttleworth. Clerk— Qx. Bentham.

Midshipmen — YLy, Forester, G. Gilbert (Lieutenant), Wm.

APPENDIX 517

Harvey, J. H. Martin, A. Mouat, Ed. Riou (Captain of
Amazon^ killed at Copenhagen. Nelson said: "In poor dear
Riou the Country has sustained an irreparable loss."), G.
Vancouver (Captain, commanded expedition to Pacific; sailed
round Vancouver Island). Gunner's Mates — Thos. Shaw,
Simeon Woodruff. Surgeon^ s Mates — Wm. Ellis, Jas. Snagg.

Boatswain's Mates — Jno- Richardson, Jno. Gattenby.
Armoure?- — G. Dixon. Sailmaker — Wm. Hilsey.

Carpenter's Mates — Wm. Walker, Wm. Williams, P. Wood,
field, Jas. Mayley, Thos. Lalor, Wm. Evans. Cook — R.
Goulding.

Mas ter-at- Arms — R. CoUett. Quarter-masters — Robt. Arm-
strong, Job Colman, Josh. Cox, Bart. Lowman, Jas. Loe, Wm,
Stephens. Coxswain — H. Simmerman. Sailmaker's Mate — Dd.
Markham.

Able Seamen — Ed. Bassett, Wm. Bates, Thos. Bean, Josh.
Billings (Captain-Lieutenant, Russian Navy ; explored Northern
Siberia), Wm. Bloom, Jno. England, Jno. Fisher, Jas, Flood,
Thos. Goodman, Wm. Goulston, Jno, Lett, Falke Lowe, Jno.
M'Intosh, Rt. M'Kay, Jas. Marshall, D. Nelson, Wm. Passmore,
Wm. Poulett, Thos. Sheath, Jno, Smallpiece, Jas. Tickle, Thos.
Tritcher, Robt. Williams.

Marines — Sergeant — Jas. Kirk. Corporals — G. Harrison, Wm.
Randall. Privates — Wm. Broom, Wm. Brown, Jno. Herriott,
Chris. Kerwin, G. Moody, M. Newman, Wm. Parsloe, Jas. Poole,
H. Thompson. Drummer — Jas. Holloway.

(From Resolution — Commanders Gore and King ; Lieutenants
WilHamson and Lanyon; Surgeon Samwell.)

INDEX

Adams, Capt., 51, 55

Adams, Sir Thos., 94

Admiralty, Cook's letters to, 199,211,
229,233, 311,345

, letters from, 66, 92, 212, 227,

312, 346

Adventure purchased, 227 ; arma-
ment, 231 ; parts company, 270;
arrives in England, 322

Airy Holme Farm, 5, 12

Alarm, H.M.S., 90

Alaska, 438, 440

Amherst, Maj.-Gen., 31, 34, 56

, Col. W., 56, 58

Amsterdam, 266-269

Anderson, Surgeon, 360, 368, 418 ;
death of, 437

Anjac, M. d', 68

Anson, 138

Antelope, H.M.S., 20, 56; mutiny
on, 65, 69

Antipodes, 272

Arnold. See Timepieces

Aurora Australis, 196, 251

Austral Group, the, 131

Australia sighted, 169 ; first landing,
170; black's account, 173; Port
Jackson named, 174 ; Morton Bay,
176; on a reef, 180; Cook's
opinion of, 186; Torres- Straits,
189, 192 ; Providential Channel,
191 ; possession taken, 193

Ay ton, 5, 12, 14 ; revisited, 229

Baltic, trading to, 12

Banks, Sir Joseph, 82 ; Journal
published, 83 ; to join Endeavotir,
94, 100 ; at Rio, 106 ; servants
frozen, no, 115 ; excursion inland,
126, 134; oysters, 146, 162; at

Botany Bay, 170; praises the
sailors, 181, 185 ; ill, 203 ; declines
to go in /Resolution, 235 ; letter
from Cook, 236 ; sails for Iceland,
238 ; threatened with scurvy, 337 ;
letter from Cook, 353; letter to
Mrs Cook, 498

Basset, Capt. -Lieut., 75

Batavia, 197-205

fever and dysentery, 202-209

Bay ley, W., 238, 246, 349, 360, 387 ;
sextant stolen, 409, 416 ; moved to
Resolution, 436

Beauvoir, Marquis de, 362

Beckmann, 148

Behm, Major, 446, 482 ; kind
reception from, 483

Behring, 428, 433, 440 ; his sloop,
443 ; straits, 485

Bennett, Canon, 60, 172, 499

Besant, Sir W., 4, 343, 425

Bessborough, Lord, 397

Bevis, Dr, F.R.S., 76, 83

Bienfaisant captured, 33

Bisset, Thos., 17, 29, 40, 45, 54

Bligh, W., 359, 453.467

Bolckow, 4

Bonetta, 55

Borda de, 354, 358

Boscawen, Admiral, 31, 34

Bosvi^ell, 82

Bougainville, De, at Quebec, 48, 106
120; his chart, 230, 288, 415

Bouvet, De, 242, 249, 322

Boyd, Thos., of The Three Sisters,
78

Brett, Sir P., 92, 151

Briscoe, P., 94, 112

Brougham, Lord, 25

Buchan, A., 94, no, 1 16, 334

Burgeo Islands, 76

Burleigh, Rev. J., 2

Burnaby, Admiral, 27

Burney, Dr Chas., 82, 224; Cook's
tract, 230

519

520

INDEX

Burney, Fanny, 224, 225

, Jas., 225, 347, 349; bis log,

355, 364 ; ships' newspapers, 366 ;
Omai's character, 369, 413, 421 ;
incorrect chart, 438 ; Indian tea,
441 ; Sandwich Islanders, 462 ; fire
at the Morai, 465; transferred to
Resolution^ 486

Campbell, Capt. J., F.R.S., 83;
suggested for command, 84 ; pro-
poses Cook, 90, 161 ; to revise
second voyage, 328, 330

Cannibalism, New Zealand, 158, 270

Cape Circumcision, 242,249, 304, 341

Cape Horn, no, 302

Cape of ''iood Hope, 208, 246, 305,
355, 488

Cajjc Palliser, New Zealand, 271

Cape Maria Van Diemen, New
Zealand, storm off, 156

Cavendish, Mr, F.R.S., 83

Cheap, Mr, lOO

Clerke, Chas., 121, 213 ; Second
Lieutenant, 228 ; letter to Banks,
236 ; Commander, 310, 344 ;
appointed to Discovery^ 347 ; in the
hands of the jews, 350, 387, 411,
415 ; takes command, 476 ; death,
486

Coat of Arms granted to Cook, 496

Colman, 13

Colville, Lord, 47, 51 ; pays ;i^50 to
Cook, 53 ; letter to Admiralty, 59

Comet seen, 132

Cook, John (grandfather), 2

Cook, John (brother), 2, 14, 15

Cook, James (Master ohhe Mercury),
26, 27, 58, 92

Cook, James (father), 2, 12, 13, 14

Cook, James (son), 507

Cook, James, R.N., F.R.S., birth, 4 ;
school, 5 ; apprenticed to Walker,
9; mate of friendship, 12; enters
Navy, 17; Master's-mate Ea^/e,
17; Master Soleday, 25; Master
Pembroke, 29; Louisburg, 31;
Quebec, 37 ; escape from Indians,
45; fall of Quebec, 47; North-
umberland, 47 ; bonus for survey
of St Lawrence, 53 ; recapture of
St John's, 55; marriage, 60;
King's surveyor, Newfoundland,
66 ; Master Grenville, 7 1 ; accident
to hand, 72 ; observes eclipse, 76 ;

collision in Thames, 78' ; observer
to Royal Society, 90 ; Commander
Endeavour, 92 ; leaves Plymouth,
98 ; at Rio, 102-106 ; Otaheite, 113;
New Zealand, 132 ; strikes rock,
154 ; leaves New Zealand, 168 ;
sights Australia, 169 ; lands, 171 ;
Batavia, 198 ; home, 211 ; received
by King, 218 ; Captain Scorpion,
224 ; Resolution, 227 ; visits
Whitby, 230 ; sails from Plymouth,
244 ; in the ice, 250 ; furthest south,
273; seriously ill, 275; Marqueses,
277 ; attacked at Savage Island,
286 ; poisoned by fish, 298 ;
Southern Thale, 304 ; Spithead,
307 ; received by King, 3 10 ; posted
to Kent, 310; Captain Greenwich
Hospital, 312; P\R.S., 331; reads
paper on Scurvy, 333 ; Copley Gold
Medal, 341 ; portraits, 342 ;
volunteers for third voyage, 345 ;
Captain Resolution, 346 ; leaves
Plymouth, 353 ; orders from France
and United States not to molest,
356; Kerguelen's Land, 358;
Friendly Islands, 371; Otaheite,
394; Sandwich Islands, 417 ; New
Albion, 422 ; furthest north, 440 ;
Sandwich Islands, 448; death, 474 ;
buried, 478 ; King's character of
Cook, 500 J Samwell's appreciation,
502

Cook, Mrs, 60-62, 341, 343 ; letter to
Banks, 498, 508

Cook Straits, New Zealand, i6l

Cooper, Fenimore, 217

, R. P., 228, 279, 295, 310

Cowley, 108

Cox action against Cook, 215

Crossing the line, loi

Crozet, De, 166, 306, 358,497

Dalrymple, 84, 86, 87, 89 ; his
theory shattered, 133, 164, 225 ;
Gulf of Sebastian, 303

Dampier, 108

Dance, Sir N., 341, 411

Darwin, Chas., 126

Dauphin Map, 168

Debbeig, 75

Desbarres, 58, 59

Diana, H.M.S., 43, 51

Discovery, H.M.S., purchased, 347

Dixon, 84, 247

INDEX

S«i

Dodds, Mrs, 6, 7, 8
Dolphin, H.M.S., 90, 105, 116
Douglas, Capt. Chas., 55, 68
Douglas, Rev. Dr, 47, 324; letters

to, 326-331, 433
Z>ra/^^, H. M.S. S,e& Resolution.
Due d^Aguitaine, 23
Du Fresne, Marion, 166, 358
Dumont d'Urville, appreciation of

Cook, 497
Duncan, Jean (grandmother), 2

Eagle, H.M.S., pay-sheet, 28

Easter Island, 276

Eclipses of sun, 76, 298, 387, 415

Edgar, 470

Edgecombe, 142, 213

Edgeworth, 224

Eimeo, 120, 281, 285, 399, 408

Ellerton, Mr, 319

Ellis, J., F.R.S., letter to Linnaeus,

94
Eiideavour, H.M.S., purchased, 88;

end of, 215-217
Erromango, 291
Espiritu Santo, 294

FALMOUTH, H.M.S., 21

Family tombstone, 14

Faulty supplies, 451

Feenough, 372 ; makes large present,

376 ; receives horses, 383
Fergusson, F.R.S., 83
Fernando de Noronho, 307
Fishburn of Whitby, 89, 226
Forster, G. A., 238, 243, 244,

289 ; poisoned by eating fish, 298,

325
Forster, J. R., 12, 99, 155; appointed
naturalist, 238, 243 ; lost in a fog,
249, 262 ; upset, 270, 276 ; Cook's
rashness, 290, 294 ; Cook avoids the
Spaniards, 306 ; received by the
king, 311 ; complains about pay,
323 ; forbidden to write, 324 ; his
work published in his son's name,
325, 328, 505
Foster, Mr, of Rio, 104, 108
Franklin, Benjamin, 349, 356
Freeloz'e, lo, 1 1
Friendship, mate of, 12, 16
Funchal, 98 ; fired on, 99, 245

Furneaux Island, 260

Furneaux, Tobias, Commander Ad-
venture, 228 ; parts company, 251 ;
rejoins, 255, 259, 263, 271 ; news
of, 305 ; reports to Cook, 319

Garland, H.M.S., 26

Gaskin, 12

Gaspe Bay, raid on, 36

Gilbert, Geo., 409, 465

Gilbert, Joseph, 243; wounded, 291,
298

Gore, Jno., 121, 131; shoots a Maori,
145, 162 ; kills first kangaroo, 184,
367, 420; Captain Discovery^ 476;
Resolution, 486

Gosport, H. M.S., 26, 56, 58

Grahame, Dr J., 33

Grammont captured, 55

Grampus, H.M.S., 26

Graves, Capt., 55 ; applies for sur-
veyor, 63 ; letters to Admiralty, 64 ;
quells mutiny on Antelope, 65 ;
survey of St Pierre, 68

Green, Chas., 84; engaged as ob-
server, 91, 93 ; flying fish, 10 1,
109, 117, 121; times of Transit
of Venus, 122, 135 ; Transit of
Mercury, 145 ; observing under
difficulties, 190 ; death, 206

Grenville, placed on survey duty, 70 ;
Cook Master, 71 ; rig altered, 74;
ashore at Long Harbour, 75 ;
aground off the Nore, 79 ; Lane
appointed Master, 80

H

Halifax, N.B., 31, 36, 52

Halley, 87

Hamer, Capt. J., 17, 18, 19, 20

Hardy, Sir C, 33, 35. 36

Harrison. See Timepieces

Hawk, H.M.S., 31

Hawke, Lord, 19, 2)7, 92, 138

Hawkesworth, Dr, 82, 88, 225

Heejnskirk, 133

Heydinger's Chart, 438

Hicks, Lieut., loi ; detained on
shore, 103 ; his boat seized, 105,
116, 121, 150; sights Australia, 169,
191, 198, 202; death, 210

Hill, General, 49

522

INDEX

Hodges, W., appointed painter, 239,
247 ; too classical, 268, 282, 299,

307,411
Holbourne, Admiral, 21, 30
Holmes, Admiral, 44, 45, 46, 47
Hooker, Sir Joseph, 94
Hopkins, Manley, 421
Hornsby, Rev. Mr, 'j']
Horrox, Jeremiah, 85
Huaheine, 127, 263; officers robbed,

285, 408; Omai settles at, 410
Humboldt, Von, 421

Initiation of Polaho's son, 387-392

Invincible, H. M.S., 31

Isle aux Coudres, landing troops, 37

J

Japan, 444, 487

Jarvis, Cook ignores previous ex-
plorers, 129
Jervis, Capt. J., 58
Johnson, Dr, 82
Johnston, Dr Geo., 2
Junius on Townshend, 40

K

Kamehameha I., 461

Karakahoa Bay, 454 ; return to, 468

Kaye, Dr, 429

Kempe, A., 247, 310

Kempe, S., 245

Kendall. See Timepieces

Kent, H.M.S., 310

Kerguelen, 246, 356

Kerguelen's Land, 358 ; visited by
French, 360

Killick, 40

King George, The, 56, 57

King, Capt. J., 47, 54, 370: com-
mands camp, 372, 387, 398, 406,
410, 415, 449; lands with Cook,
456; in camp ashore, 459; buys
idols for firewood, 463 ; invited to
stay, 465 ; disturbances, 469 ; tries
to recover Cook's remains, 475 ; a
point of honour, 481 ; lands at
Petropaulowsk, 482 ; Captain of
Discovery, 486 ; to Canton, 487 ;
presented to the king, 489 ; char-
acter of Cook, 500

Kippis, Dr, 4, 25, 26, 45, 71, 89

Knox, Capt. , 40, 42 ; losses at Beau-
port, 43 ; prices, 48
Koah, 456, 457, 459, 463, 467, 477

Lagoon Island, 113
Lambrecht, 245
Lane, M., ']'i, 80
Langbourne, 347
Lark, H.M.S., 72
Latouliboula, 375
Law, Surgeon, 437
Lax, Timothy, 3
UEcho captured, 33
Ledyard, 436, 443
Leeds Mercury, 14
Levis, M. de, 42, 52
Lightning rods, 199
Loo fort, 325
Louden, Lord, 30
Louisburg, 30; siege, 32-36
Lycurgus, 115, 116
Lynd, Dr, 228

M

Macao, 487

Macgregor, Sir E., 89, 216

Magellan Straits, 301

Magra, 177

Mainforth, Ann, 3

Malicolo, 288

Manchineel, 372

Manganoia, 366

Manley, Isaac, 213

Markham, Sir C, 8

Marra, Jas., 205, 237; deserts, 284,

286, 326
Marriage, 60
Marton, 3
Mason, 84, 247
Maskelyne, N., 83, 84, 91
Massacre Bay, New Zealand, 133, 159
Medway, H.M.S., 22, 24
Memorials, 509
Mercury, H.M.S., 26, 58
Mersey, H.M.S., 25
Mewburn, 3

Middleburg, 266, 392 _

Miguelon, 67, 69
Mile End, house at, 61, 62
Milner, W., 89

Molineaux, 116, 144; death, 209
Monkhouse, Dr, 115, 121, 126, 134,

172 ; death, 203

INDEX

523

Monkhouse, J., 181, 207
Monmouth, H.M.S., 20
Montcalm, 42, 44, 47
Montmorency, 42, 43
Montreal surrenders, 53
Mora, Cardinal, 193, 294
Morton, Lord, P.R.S., 176
Morton, 3

Mundy, Colonel, 45
Murdoch, Dr, Zt,
Murray, General, 52

N

New Albion, 414, 422

New Caledonia, 151, 296

Newfoundland, 55-81

Newspapers on ship, 366

New Zealand, 132 ; Portuguese in,
133 ; landing, 134 ; native account,
137 ; natural arch, 141 ; native
pah, 147 ; possession taken, 148 ;
Thames recommended for settle-
ment, 166 ; North Cape, 155 ;
Queen Charlotte's Sound, 15S, 162,
255. 300> 320, 363 ; massacre, 364

Nichols, I

Nollekins, 86

Norfolk Island, 300

Norman, Lieut., 46

Northumberland, H.M.S., 5 1 -60

Norton Sound, 441

Nostalgia, 195

Oborea, 123, 261

Odidie, 271, 276; present from

Admiralty, 398
Omai, 344, 353 ; prevents trouble,

368 ; Burney's opinion of, 369 ;

horsemanship, 405 ; leaves ship,

408 ; Cook's character of, 410
Onalaschka, 435
Ord, 4
Orders for first voyage, 96 ; for second,

242 ; for third, 351
Osbaldiston, 25
Osnaburg Island, 113, 260
Oree, 264, 285, 408
Orton, 177, 213
Otaheite, 93, 113-130,260-266; fleet,

280 ; animals landed, 397 ; human

sacrifice, 399 ; canoe for George

III declined, 407
Otoo, 397, 400, 407

Palliser, Sir H., 6, 18 ; Captain of
Eagle, 20, 23, 25, 58, 69 ; Governor
Newfoundland, 71, 89, 161 ; Con-
troller of Navy, 229, 241, 328, 345

Palliser Islands, 279

Parea, 456, 470, 478

Parker, W., 72

Parkinson, S., 94, 99, 106, 1 32, 144;
death, 206

Patten, W., 275

Pay-sheets Eagle, 28 ; Pembroke, 50

Pembroke, Earl of . See Endeavour

Pembroke, H.M.S., 26, 29-50

Pepperell, Mr, 30

Perry, W., 134 ; report on scurvy,

335
Petropaulowsk, 445, 482 ; Gierke

buried at, 486
Phillips Molesworth, 353, 472 ; shows

pluck, 474
Pickersgill, 121, 190; Master, 209,

213, 228, 265, 298, 352
Pines, Isle of, 299
Pitcairn Island, 112, 259
Plague of flies, 1 19
Poisonous fish, 289, 298
Polack, Mr, 137
Portland, H.M.S., 209
Priestley, Dr, 239
Prince of Orange, letters from, 244
Pringle, Sir J., 83, 336 ; letter to, 339,

341
Proby, Capt., 22, 24
Promotions, first voyage, 213 ; second

voyage, 310
Prowd, Mary, II, 230
Prudent destroyed, 23
Pullen's school, 5

Qualities of ships, 226
Queen Charlotte's Sound, 158
Quebec, 26, 36 ; bombardment, 42 ;
surrender, 47 ; previous attempts
on, 48 ; second visit to, 52 ;
Murray's defeat at, 52
Quidi Vidi, 56
Quiros de, 1 12, 188, 274, 294

RALEIGH, YiM.^, ^tt Adventure
Raynal, I'Abbe, 421
Ravenhill, 206

524

INDEX

Redcar, 13, 14

Resolution, H.M.S., named, 227;

alterations, 229; armament, 231;

realtered, 236
Reynolds, Jno. , 94 ; death, 205
Reynolds, Sir J., 342, 344, 411
Richmond, H. M.S., 43
Richmond, Thos., 94; death, IIO
Rio, troubles at, 102-106
Roberts, Hy., 432
Rochon, I'Abbe, 155
Rose, H.M.S., 88, 99
Rotterdam, 287
Rowe, Jno,, 320, 321
Royal William, H. M.S., 51
Royal Society, 76 ; memorial to the

king, 84; observers appointed, 93 ;

club, 224, 325: elect Cook, 331 ;

paper on Scurvy, 338 ; Copley

medal, 341 ; Gold medal, 344 ;

presented to Mrs Cook, 497
Running the " Gantelope," 73
Rurutu, 131

Russell, New Zealand, 151
Russia, Empress of, 484, 492
Russians, letters from, 434, 436 :

Ledyard's visit to, 443 ; visit of

Ismyloff, 443-446 ; visit of Ivano-

vitch, 446 : kindness from, 484

Sackville, Lord G., letters from

Wolfe, 34, 35, 39
St Albans, H.M.S., 21
St Helena, 209, 307
Stjohn's, 55-58, 68, 72, 77, 78
St Lawrence, 26, 36, 37, 38 ; fire

ships, 41 ; charts of, 53, 54, 59
St Pierre, 67; Cook's opinion of,

69
Samwell, D., 16, 342, 476 ; character

of Cook, 502
Sandford, 232
Sandwich Islands, 417-421, 448-482 ;

native account of Cook's death,

479
Sandwich, Lord, 82, 224, 241, 323,
^ 325, 329, 345, 348
Sartines, de, 356
Saunders, Sir C., 26, 46, 51, 92,

163
Saunderson, 6, 7
Scorpion, H.M.S., 213
Scurvy, free from, 202 ; on Adventure^

249 ; paper on, 338
Shank, J., 228; invalided, 247

Shepherd, Dr, 290, 328

Ship Cove, New Zealand, 159

Skottowe, 5, 13

Slaughter's Coffee-House, 224

Smailey, J., 7

Smart, E., 67, 69

Smeaton, 91

Smith, Isaac, 171, 213, 310

Solander, Dr, 82, 94, 108, 184, 195 ;

ill, 203, 224, 228
Solebay, 11. M.S., 25, 29
Sparrman, H., 247, 264, 307, 323
speedwell, H.M.S., 27
Sporing, H., 94, 121 ; death of, 206
Squirrel, H.M.S., 42
Staithes, 6, 7
Staten Island, 108, 302
Stirling Castle, H.M.S., 30, 40, 45
Strahan, 328, 330
Straits le Maire, 108
Surville, De, 155
Sutherland, F., 173

Tabourai, 115, 119
Tamar, H.M.S., 106
Tanna, 291 ; cannibalism, 293
Tasman, 132, 155, 165, 169, 268
Tatafee Polaho, 377, 382; large

present, 385
Tauranga, 143
Tayeto, 139
Ternay, De, 57
Terreeoboo, 440, 465
Terrible, H. M.S., 51
Test, W., 66
Three Brothers, ii, 12
Three kings, 155
Timepieces, 91, 238, 246; accident

to Arnold's, 258, 273, 288, 307,

349
Torres, 188, 192
Townshend, Chas., 92, 178
Townshend, General, 41
Transit of Mercury, 144
Transit of Venus, 83, 91, 120-122
Traverse, sounding the, 38 ; passage

up, 40, 51
Tweddell, G. M., 14
7w^^^, H.M.S., 68
Tupia, 127, 131, 205, 344

U

Ulietea, 128, 265, 411

INDEX

525

VALENTINE, 89
Vancouver, G., 398, 470
Van der Parra, 198
Van Diemen's Land, 255, 361
Vegetable sheep, 157

Vesuvius^ H.M. S., 51
Vetch, Col., 48

W

Waddington, G. W., 7, 10, 89
Wales, W., 84, 238, 243, 258,

298, 311, 323, 325
Walker, John, 8, 9, 11, 18,

letters to, 17, 33, 218, 247,

314, 347
Walker, J., Junr., 9

, H.,9

, Mrs, 4, 5

Wallis, Capt., 90, 93, 114, 397
Walpole, H., 36, 40
Wapping, 17
Warburton, E., 48
Warren, Admiral, 30
Watering with ice, 250
Way, B., 224

, 216
269,

25;
313,

Webber, Jas., 343, 418, 489

Weld, 91

West, Admiral, 20

Wharton Admiral, 80, 82, 89, 96, 134,

156, 178, 190, 193, 497
Whitby, 8, 9, 12, 16 ; revisits, 229
Will, extract from, 62
Williamson, 479, 456
Wilson, E., 8
Witchell, G., 77
Wolfe, General, 31, 34, 42, 43, 44;

death, 47 ; letter to Pitt, 43
Woodhouse, 321
Wynyard, 146

Young, Dr G., i, 3, 5, 7, 9, 89
Young, N., 134, 211

Nick's Head, 133

Yorkshire Gazette, ii
Yucatan, despatches to, 27

Zeehaan, 133
Zoffani, 228

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